Matthew 5:14-16 My heavenly Father is worth praising!
Cullman, AL
Joined May 2011
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Brent Patterson retweeted
Muslim Brotherhood: "we dont need to strap bombs on ourselves or hijack planes anymore, we just gotta run under the Democrats banner and soon America will be under Islam."
Brent Patterson retweeted
Congratulations, Abdul El-Sayed. You won.
You outsmarted millions. If voters in other states had been allowed to vote for you, many more would have fallen for your charm. Keep going and maybe one day it's the presidency.
Like it or not, they will call you Senator. You beat them at their own game. Western democracy gave you representation, and you're using that power to shape your country (yes, your country) closer to your worldview. Who knows, maybe you'll even work to undo the Muslim Brotherhood designation. As an observant Muslim, why wouldn't you pursue what you believe in?
And let's be honest: you read your voters far better than they read you. Your critics put the questions about your associations in front of them. Your voters, many of them Jewish, shrugged and backed you anyway. As we say in Arabic: القانون لا يحمي المغفلين. The law doesn't protect the gullible.
The political current that cheered your victory has spent decades working patiently toward this, for the good of humanity as it sees it, and for the good of its children.
I disagree. I grew up where Islam has ruled since the 7th century. Since the eighties, the Muslim Brotherhood has promised us الإسلام هو الحل, "Islam is the solution." We lived the result, and nothing could be further from the truth. That was our experience in the Muslim world, the same world your parents chose to leave.
Maybe America will be different. Maybe here it will finally work, because the people who mistake your smug smile for a sweet one are so much easier to win over. They have no resilience. They take every smile at face value. And they have so little sense of who they are that some would trade it for anything that offers certainty.
Congratulations. The hard work paid off. While your side spent decades organizing, the people who should have been paying attention were busy inventing new identities, new grievances, new reasons to be offended, new things to smoke, new gods. Then the Palestinian cause led them straight into bed with Islamism. And for Palestine, they'll march hypnotized to the end of the earth.
@AbdulElSayed
Brent Patterson retweeted
We live in a completely fake world.
And that's why everything feels chaotic. Why everything around us is burning.
Let's start with one number.
In 1972, 7 out of 10 Americans trusted the mainstream media. In 2025, only 28% did. The lowest Gallup has ever measured in half a century.
Nearly 7 out of 10 Americans no longer believe what they're told on TV.
Have you ever asked yourself why?
Not "because people became conspiracy theorists." Not "because of social media." The real reason is that people feel an increasingly violent gap between what they're told and what they see with their own eyes. And that gap is not an accident. It's the product of a war between two camps.
On one side, those who want to preserve reality: nations, cultures, borders, heritage.
On the other, the globalist camp.
And you need to understand its project in full.
First, a world without borders. Not just physical borders. All borders. Between nations, between cultures, between what belongs to you and what belongs to everyone. And at the end of the chain, between true and false.
Second, the hybridization of every culture. They sell it to you as openness, richness, diversity. But a culture is precisely a border. A language, a memory, customs, a way of life that isn't your neighbor's. When you blend everything together, you don't get a super-culture. You get the absence of culture. A consumable, interchangeable mush with no roots.
And look closely at which culture you're asked to "deconstruct." Never anyone else's. Always Western culture. Its history, its religion, its family, its heroes. The end goal of the project isn't blending. It's the erasure of the West as a civilization.
Now, the point almost nobody understands.
Most of the leaders carrying this project never thought it up. They designed nothing. They are products. They went through the same schools, the same universities, the same think tanks, the same newsrooms, the same dinners. The system trained them, selected them, promoted them. They recite a script they mistake for their own thinking.
You don't need a conspiracy when everyone was cast from the same mold. They're puppets, but sincere puppets. That's exactly what makes them dangerous.
And that mold has a history. It has an intellectual architect: Antonio Gramsci.
Gramsci, an Italian Marxist, writes in the 1930s from Mussolini's prisons. He makes an observation: in the West, the workers' revolution failed. Why? Because here, power doesn't rest only on the state and the police. It rests on culture. On schools, universities, the press, the Church, the arts. What he calls cultural hegemony.
His conclusion: you don't take the West by frontal assault. You take it through a war of position. You conquer minds, language and institutions first. Political power then falls on its own.
In the late 60s, German activist Rudi Dutschke summed up the strategy in one phrase: the long march through the institutions.
Fifty years later, look at the universities. Look at the major newsrooms. Look at the NGOs, the international agencies, the HR departments, Hollywood. The march is over. The institutions have been captured.
And that's when you understand why the world feels fake. When the institutions that are supposed to tell you the truth become the instruments of a project, they no longer describe reality. They prescribe it.
Then, in the middle of this system, one man stood up against it.
Elon Musk.
He understood before anyone else that the heart of the machine is control of information. So he did the one thing that could truly crack it: he bought Twitter for $44 billion. He opened the Twitter Files and showed the world how moderation worked from the inside. He gave millions of people their voice back.
And that's why he backed Trump. Not out of affection. Out of strategic clarity.
Because Trump isn't a program. Trump is an antibody. The immune response of a social body that someone tried to dissolve. When a civilization senses it's being erased, it produces antibodies. They're rough, imperfect, loud. But they're proof the organism is still alive.
Trump is the antibody to the empire of lies.
But here's the good news.
This project is doomed. Not just because we'll fight it. Because it carries the same flaw as every communist system, and it will end the same way.
This isn't the communism of collective farms. It's the communism of norms, cultures and identities. But the structure is identical: an elite that believes it can redesign society from the top down.
And Friedrich Hayek explained 80 years ago why that always fails.
Reason one: the knowledge problem. The knowledge that makes a society run isn't in anyone's head. It's scattered across millions of individuals, in millions of local situations. No planner, no committee, no elite can gather it. Markets work because prices aggregate that knowledge. The Plan fails because it claims to replace it.
Reason two, and this is where Hayek becomes prophetic: traditions, cultures and moral codes are knowledge too. Compressed knowledge. Centuries of trial and error, rules nobody invented but that survived because they worked. Hayek calls it the fatal conceit: believing that the reason of a handful of men can redesign what millennia have selected. Destroying a culture doesn't free people. It erases the memory that allowed them to live together.
Reason three: the dynamics of lying. When the Plan collides with reality, it can't admit its mistake. So it needs propaganda, to make people believe the Plan's goals are their own. And it needs coercion, for those who refuse to believe. In The Road to Serfdom, Hayek devotes an entire chapter to this: The End of Truth. And another with a crystal-clear title: Why the Worst Get on Top. In a system that has to lie to survive, the best liars rise.
That's the loop. Reality resists. You lie to hide the failure. The lie demands more control. Control produces more failure. Until collapse.
That's exactly what you're living through today. The world feels fake because it is. The chaos you see isn't the end of the world. It's the noise a system of lies makes when it crashes into reality.
The USSR lasted nearly 70 years. It collapsed all at once, without a war, because nobody believed Pravda anymore.
Today, nearly 7 out of 10 Americans no longer believe their media.
You see where I'm going with this.
Reality always wins. The only question is how long we're willing to live inside the lie before we look it in the face.
Brent Patterson retweeted
Right now in the US, part of the Democratic Party has decided to play the "socialist" card. Days before the midterms, DSA candidates are winning primaries and the word isn't taboo anymore.
So today I'm going to show you why socialism never works. Not with ideology. With mechanics.
Let's start with a dumb question. How much should a loaf of bread cost?
You don't know. Neither do I. Nobody does. And that's exactly the point.
The price of a loaf of bread is the instant synthesis of millions of pieces of information that no single person holds: the wheat harvest in Kansas, the price of gas for the oven, the baker's wages, the shop's rent, a drought in Argentina, a war on the Black Sea, whether people feel like bread this morning or a bagel.
In 1920, Ludwig von Mises published a paper that should have ended the debate. His argument: without private ownership of the means of production, those means are never exchanged. No exchange, no prices. No prices, no economic calculation. The planner can't know whether a steel mill is worth more than a dam or a hospital. He's flying blind. He can't even tell that he's wrong.
In 1945, Friedrich Hayek drove the point home in "The Use of Knowledge in Society." Useful knowledge is scattered across millions of minds. The baker knows things about his neighborhood that no ministry ever will. Prices are a telecommunications system: when tin becomes scarce somewhere in the world, its price rises, and millions of users economize on it without even knowing why. No committee, no ministry, no plan can replicate that. The market isn't an ideology. It's a distributed information processor.
Then Milton Friedman picked up a simple pencil. The wood comes from Washington State, the graphite from South America, the rubber from Malaysia. Thousands of people who don't know each other, don't speak the same language, maybe even hate each other, cooperate to make something none of them could make alone. Nobody gave them orders. Prices were enough.
Now run the experiment in reverse. Set the price yourself.
Cap rents below market: landlords stop maintaining, stop building, housing disappears. Swedish economist Assar Lindbeck, a man of the left, said rent control is the most efficient technique known for destroying a city, short of bombing it.
Cap the price of flour: shelves empty, lines form, the black market takes over. Venezuela, 2016. The country with the largest oil reserves on earth, and people standing in line for hours to eat. Nearly 8 million Venezuelans eventually fled.
Socialism smashes the thermometer and then acts surprised that the fever keeps rising.
And this is where it gets serious.
Because when the plan fails, and it always fails, the planner has two options. Admit the plan is wrong. Or blame the people. Saboteurs, speculators, kulaks, enemies of the people.
He always picks the second one.
Hayek saw it in 1944 in The Road to Serfdom, in a chapter with a chilling title: Why the Worst Get on Top. A central plan requires central power. Central power attracts those who crave power. And when reality resists the plan, reality has to be broken. Which means people have to be broken.
Stalin. He collectivizes the land. Output collapses. He blames the peasants and seizes the harvests. The Holodomor, 1932-1933: millions starved to death in Ukraine, the breadbasket of Europe. Add the Gulag, the purges, the deportations.
Mao. The Great Leap Forward, 1958-1962. Backyard furnaces producing useless steel, insane grain quotas, local officials inflating numbers to avoid punishment, and the state requisitioning food based on those fake numbers. The result: the worst famine in human history. Estimates range from 30 to 45 million dead.
Pol Pot. The Khmer Rouge abolish money, markets, property, and empty the cities. The dream of total planning, carried all the way. In four years, roughly one in four Cambodians dies.
Hitler. He sent communists to the camps, but his party called itself National Socialist and the economy answered to the plan and the party. Companies stayed private on paper, but the state decided what to produce, at what price, and for whom. Hayek dedicated The Road to Serfdom "to the socialists of all parties" precisely because he saw the same root: the idea that the state must steer society toward a collective goal, and the individual must step aside.
Different eras. Different continents. Different cultures. Same mechanism. Same ending.
This isn't a bug. It's a feature of the system. Remove prices and you remove information. Remove information and you remove the ability to correct. And when you can no longer correct through prices, you correct through force.
So let me say it plainly. Socialism always starts nice. A rent freeze. Public grocery stores. Make "the rich" pay. Nobody promises the Gulag on day one.
But if America truly goes down this road, the rest of the story is already written. The plan will fail. There will need to be culprits. There will need to be power to punish them. And a socialist government holding the American state apparatus, its surveillance capabilities, its technology, its military, wouldn't be a regional tragedy. It could be the greatest tragedy in history.
The 20th century paid for this lesson with tens of millions of lives. We don't get to forget it in one generation.
Prices aren't the enemy of the people. Prices are the voice of the people.
Brent Patterson retweeted
If you're a young American, or a Democrat who's a little confused about where all this is going, read this. It's long. It's worth it.
Start with misery.
For almost all of human history, misery wasn't a crisis. It was the default. Your ancestors were born poor, lived poor, buried half their children, and died poor. Around 1800, roughly 9 out of 10 humans lived in what we'd now call extreme poverty. Even kings lived worse than you: no antibiotics, no anesthesia, no light after sunset.
Today it's around 1 in 10.
That didn't happen because someone finally designed the perfect system. It happened because, in a few corners of the world, people were left free enough to trade, try, fail, and try again. Property rights. Prices. Contracts. Rule of law. Boring words. They built everything you have.
Now meet Friedrich Hayek.
An Austrian economist who watched his continent fall to two ideologies that both promised to organize society from the top. In 1944 he wrote The Road to Serfdom. A year later he wrote a short essay that should be required reading in every high school: The Use of Knowledge in Society.
His insight is simple and devastating. The knowledge needed to run an economy doesn't exist in one place. It's scattered across millions of heads: the baker who knows flour just got expensive, the nurse who knows which shift is understaffed, the farmer who knows his soil. No committee, no ministry, no genius can gather it all. Prices are the miracle that lets all that knowledge talk to itself without anyone being in charge.
When you replace prices with plans, you don't get a smarter economy. You get a blind one.
His friend Karl Popper made the same point about history itself in The Poverty of Historicism, a book dedicated to the countless people who died because someone believed history had a destination and that he alone knew the way.
Then the 20th century ran the experiment. Not once. Everywhere.
The Soviet Union was planned from Moscow. It collapsed in 1991, after famines, gulags, and bread lines in a country with some of the best farmland on earth.
Mao's China gave us the Great Leap Forward and tens of millions dead of hunger. Then Deng opened markets in 1978, and roughly 800 million people escaped extreme poverty. Same people. Same culture. Different rules.
Korea: same peninsula, same language, same ancestors. Look at a satellite photo at night. One half is lit. The other is dark.
Germany: one nation split in two. The side that called itself the workers' paradise had to build a wall to stop its workers from leaving.
Venezuela has the largest proven oil reserves on the planet. Nearly 8 million people have fled it.
Cambodia lost about a quarter of its population in the name of starting over from year zero.
Every time. Different continents, different cultures, different leaders, same ending. At some point it's not bad luck. It's the design.
"But I mean Denmark." Fair. But Denmark isn't socialist. Its own prime minister told a Harvard audience in 2015 that Denmark is a market economy. The Nordics are free-market countries that chose to fund a big welfare state with the wealth markets created. That's a debate worth having. It's not the same debate.
Now let me tell you about my country.
France is the closest thing the developed world has to a live test of "the state will take care of it." Public spending is around 57% of GDP, among the highest on earth. Public debt is above 110% of GDP. The national education system employs over a million people, one of the biggest employers in the world.
And right now, French high school students are blockading hundreds of schools. Their complaints: not enough teachers, crumbling buildings, overloaded schedules. On October 1st, the entrance hall of a high school in Nantes was destroyed by a deliberate fire during a blockade.
Read that again. In the country that spends more than almost anyone and centralizes more than almost anyone, kids are in the street because the system can't give them a teacher and a building that works.
And the demand you hear most? More funding. More state. More of what built the problem.
I'm French. I get the anger. The anger is legitimate. The diagnosis is backwards.
One ministry in Paris trying to run thousands of schools is Hayek's problem in miniature. The principal knows which teacher is missing. The parents know which roof leaks. The ministry knows a spreadsheet.
So here's what I want to say to every young person, in France or in America, who's tempted by the idea that the system just needs more power to finally get it right:
You're allowed to want it. That's your right. But you don't have to guess. You have something no generation before you had: the full archive. Every experiment has been run, documented, photographed, counted. The famines have numbers. The walls have dates. The boat people have names. The night photo of Korea is one click away.
Your ancestors paid for that knowledge. Some with their savings, some with their freedom, many with their lives. They left you the results.
Respect your ancestors. Read what they left you.
Read Hayek. Read Popper. Read Solzhenitsyn. Read Orwell, who was a socialist and still told the truth about totalitarianism.
And then build. Because the thing that pulled humanity out of misery was never a plan. It was millions of free people trying things.
That's you. That's the job.
Brent Patterson retweeted
I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you.
I come from your future.
In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream.
Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them.
The promise was protection. The result is stagnation.
The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe.
I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has.
Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France?
Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
Je n'ai jamais été aussi optimiste. Pas malgré le chaos actuel, mais grâce à lui.
Je vais vous expliquer pourquoi l'empire du mensonge construit par la gauche depuis cinquante ans va s'effondrer, et pourquoi ce n'est pas une opinion mais une question de physique.
Tout commence avec un mouvement né sur X il y a quelques années : l'effective accelerationism, ou e/acc.
Au départ, c'est une idée presque thermodynamique. L'univers a une tendance de fond : la matière s'organise pour capter et dissiper l'énergie de plus en plus efficacement. Une cellule fait ça. Une forêt fait ça. Une civilisation fait ça. Le marché, la technologie et le capital sont les formes les plus avancées de ce processus. Ce sont des machines à transformer l'énergie en intelligence, en abondance, en complexité.
La thèse e/acc est simple : il ne faut pas freiner cette dynamique, il faut l'embrasser. Plus d'énergie, plus de calcul, plus d'innovation, plus de croissance. Monter sur l'échelle de Kardashev au lieu de s'excuser d'exister. En face, il y a les « décels » : ceux qui veulent ralentir, réguler, taxer, interdire, culpabiliser. Ceux qui voient le progrès comme une menace à contenir plutôt qu'une force à libérer.
Mais il y a une dimension de l'accélération dont presque personne ne parle. L'accélération n'est pas seulement un moteur. C'est un filtre.
Pensez à n'importe quel organisme. Un corps humain en bonne santé peut courir. Il accélère, son cœur pompe plus fort, ses muscles consomment plus d'oxygène, et tout fonctionne parce que le système est bien conçu. Maintenant, prenez un corps malade. Des artères bouchées, un cœur fragile, des organes qui ne communiquent plus entre eux. Faites-le courir. Il ne va pas plus vite vers la santé. Il va plus vite vers l'infarctus.
L'accélération ne corrige pas les défauts d'un système. Elle les amplifie. Un système sain qui accélère devient plus fort. Un système dysfonctionnel qui accélère meurt plus vite.
Et c'est exactement ce qui est en train d'arriver au projet que je vais appeler par son nom : le projet globalo-socialiste. Celui porté par les démocrates américains, par la technostructure de Bruxelles, par les entités supranationales qui n'ont de comptes à rendre à personne, par un réseau d'ONG financées par l'argent public pour dicter la morale aux peuples qui les financent.
Regardez ce que ce projet a produit.
Des États obèses qui prélèvent plus de la moitié de la richesse produite et qui délivrent des services publics de plus en plus dégradés. Des écoles qui n'apprennent plus à lire mais qui apprennent à culpabiliser. Des hôpitaux à bout de souffle malgré des budgets records. Une immigration massive sans aucune exigence d'assimilation, présentée comme une chance par ceux qui n'en subissent jamais les conséquences. Une désindustrialisation organisée au nom d'une écologie punitive qui délocalise la pollution en Chine et l'emploi avec. Des normes, des normes, et encore des normes, jusqu'à ce qu'il devienne plus simple de créer une entreprise à Austin qu'à Lyon. Une justice qui excuse le coupable et soupçonne la victime. Une censure qui avance masquée sous le nom de « lutte contre la désinformation ». Et une jeunesse à qui l'on a expliqué que son pays, son histoire et sa civilisation étaient des crimes à expier.
Ce n'est pas un ensemble de bugs. C'est la conception elle-même.
Maintenant, changeons d'image. Voyez ce système comme un moteur.
Un bon moteur, c'est de la précision. Des pièces qui s'emboîtent, un minimum de frottements, une énergie qui se transforme en mouvement. Le marché libre, la propriété, la responsabilité individuelle, la monnaie saine : c'est ça, un moteur bien conçu. L'information circule par les prix, chaque erreur est sanctionnée, chaque bonne idée est récompensée.
Le moteur socialiste, lui, est mal conçu dès le départ. Il ne tourne pas sur la création de valeur mais sur sa redistribution. Il ne récompense pas la performance, il la taxe. Il ne laisse pas les erreurs mourir, il les subventionne. Résultat : ça frotte partout. Ça chauffe. Ça grince. Chaque pièce use la pièce d'à côté.
Et que font ceux qui pilotent ce moteur ? Au lieu de le reconcevoir, ils changent les pièces. En permanence. Une pièce cède, on en remet une neuve. Encore une. Encore une.
Ces pièces de rechange, vous les connaissez. Elles s'appellent la dette publique et la planche à billets.
La France a dépassé les 3 300 milliards d'euros de dette et n'a pas voté un budget à l'équilibre depuis le milieu des années 70. Les États-Unis ont franchi les 37 000 milliards de dollars. Les banques centrales ont maintenu des taux à zéro pendant des années, imprimé des montants que plus personne ne sait se représenter, et quand l'inflation est arrivée, elles ont fait semblant d'être surprises. Milton Friedman l'avait pourtant dit il y a cinquante ans : l'inflation est toujours et partout un phénomène monétaire.
Chaque crise, on rachète du temps avec de l'argent qui n'existe pas. Chaque problème structurel, on l'arrose de liquidités pour masquer le bruit du moteur. Mais les frottements sont toujours là. Ils s'accumulent. Et la facture des pièces de rechange finit par coûter plus cher que le moteur lui-même : la charge de la dette devient l'un des premiers postes de dépense de l'État français.
Pendant des décennies, ce moteur mal conçu a pu tourner à 3 000 tours par minute. Lentement. Bruyamment. Mais il tournait. Le monde allait assez doucement pour que le bricolage permanent suffise à masquer l'absurdité de la conception.
Et puis l'IA est arrivée.
L'intelligence artificielle, c'est l'accélération la plus brutale de l'histoire humaine. Ce qui prenait des années prend des mois. Ce qui prenait des mois prend des jours. Des entreprises de dix personnes font ce que faisaient des entreprises de mille. Le capital, les talents et les idées se déplacent à la vitesse de la lumière vers les endroits où ils sont bien traités.
L'IA vient de faire passer le moteur de 3 000 à 20 000 tours par minute.
Posez-vous la question qu'un ingénieur se poserait. Que se passe-t-il quand on fait monter à 20 000 tours un moteur mal conçu, rafistolé de partout, qui frotte à chaque rotation ?
Il explose.
Pas parce que quelqu'un l'a saboté. Parce que la physique ne négocie pas.
Et c'est exactement ce que nous voyons en ce moment, sous nos yeux.
L'insécurité qui gagne des villes entières qui étaient paisibles il y a vingt ans. Le conflit de Gaza importé dans nos rues et instrumentalisé par une gauche qui a troqué l'ouvrier contre le clientélisme communautaire. La misère qui revient dans un pays qui a pourtant un des taux de dépense publique les plus élevés au monde. Des classes moyennes qui travaillent et n'arrivent plus à se loger. Une France fracturée, où l'on parle désormais à voix haute de risque de guerre civile.
Ce ne sont pas des accidents. Ce ne sont pas des « crises » successives sans lien entre elles. Ce sont les pièces du moteur qui commencent à voler.
C'est la conséquence logique de cinquante ans de socialisme international : un système qui a détruit la responsabilité, la frontière, la monnaie, l'école et la fierté, et qui découvre qu'à haute vitesse, tout ce qui a été détruit ne peut plus être compensé par une ligne de dette supplémentaire.
Et c'est là que je deviens profondément optimiste.
Parce qu'une fois qu'on a compris ça, on comprend aussi que leur projet a une date de fin. Pas une date politique. Une date physique. Un système qui consomme plus qu'il ne produit, qui punit ceux qui créent et récompense ceux qui détruisent, qui finance son présent en hypothéquant l'avenir de ses enfants, ne peut pas durer indéfiniment. Il n'est pas soutenable par construction. L'IA ne fait qu'avancer l'échéance.
Le mensonge a besoin de lenteur pour survivre. Il a besoin que les conséquences arrivent assez tard pour qu'on puisse accuser quelqu'un d'autre. Dans un monde à 20 000 tours, les conséquences arrivent immédiatement. Le mensonge n'a plus le temps de se cacher.
Alors, que faire quand le moteur explose ? On en construit un nouveau. Et cette fois, on le conçoit correctement.
Écoutez Elon Musk. Un homme qui a reconstruit l'industrie spatiale, la voiture électrique et l'infrastructure satellite en partant d'un principe simple : revenir aux premiers principes. Ne pas demander « comment on a toujours fait », mais « qu'est-ce qui est physiquement vrai ». C'est exactement ce dont nos États ont besoin : arrêter de rafistoler et repartir de la base.
Écoutez Javier Milei. Un homme dont tout le monde se moquait, arrivé à la tête d'un pays ravagé par un siècle de péronisme, et qui a pris la tronçonneuse au sens propre. Ministères supprimés, dépenses coupées, inflation écrasée, excédent budgétaire retrouvé. Il a prouvé une chose que la gauche jurait impossible : on peut démonter le moteur socialiste et le peuple peut le soutenir.
Écoutez Milton Friedman. Relisez-le. Tout était déjà là. La monnaie, la liberté de choisir, la responsabilité, les effets pervers de l'intervention publique. Il disait que si l'on confiait le Sahara au gouvernement fédéral, il y aurait pénurie de sable en cinq ans. On a ri. On a confié le sable. On a eu la pénurie.
Revenez à une hiérarchie et au respect du beau. Une civilisation ne tient pas que sur des chiffres. Elle tient sur l'idée qu'il existe des choses supérieures à d'autres. Que l'excellence vaut mieux que la médiocrité. Que le mérite compte. Qu'une cathédrale est plus belle qu'un parking. Que transmettre est un devoir et pas une oppression. Le relativisme a été l'arme culturelle de ce projet. Le retour du beau, du vrai et de l'exigence en sera l'antidote.
Et enfin, faites le Nuremberg du communisme. Le nazisme a été jugé, documenté, enseigné, et il est devenu moralement indéfendable. Le communisme, avec ses dizaines de millions de morts, ses goulags, ses famines organisées et ses peuples réduits en esclavage, n'a jamais eu ce procès. On peut encore porter un t-shirt du Che dans une université sans que personne ne cille. Tant que ce procès historique et moral n'aura pas eu lieu, l'idéologie continuera de muter et de revenir sous de nouveaux noms. Il faut nommer les crimes, les enseigner, honorer les victimes, et rendre cette idéologie aussi infréquentable que celle qu'elle prétendait combattre.
Le monde qui vient sera plus rapide, plus exigeant et plus impitoyable avec les systèmes mal conçus. C'est une terrible nouvelle pour ceux qui ont vécu du mensonge.
Et c'est la meilleure nouvelle de notre génération pour tous ceux qui veulent construire.
Le moteur va exploser. À nous de dessiner le suivant.
Can’t beat Coach Hall. Great coach. Incredible human being.
How long until the 12U National Team is playing again?? A look back at 12U training camp with coach Ryan Hall on the mic! 🫡
@USABaseball x @USABaseball12U x @hamptontide24
Brent Patterson retweeted
INF Jake Weathersby (@CullmanBaseball, 2028)
Serves this one through the six hole for a hard-hit single. Athletic traits & a strong feel for the barrel.
#ASE2026 || @AlaBCAUpdates
John boy brings that winning edge, a real competitor with serious focus and commitment! I think it’s genetic, he’s always locked in.
BB John Mauldin Hopper (@CullmanBaseball) showing elite retrieval skills out of the 3B dugout.
Consistent elite times to the plate and back. Works with confidence and ease of operation.
Young batboy to continue yo follow over the next few years. Superior athletic skills runs in the family.
#JMH
Brent Patterson retweeted
Home Opener tomorrow 2/28 at 11:00 and 4:00
@MAMustangsBB at 11:00
@AHSBASEBALL_1 at 4:00
Brent Patterson retweeted
👀 The at-large selections and seeding will be revealed soon
Check out the bracket for the 2025 #NJCAAVB DI Championship presented by @USAFRecruiting on Wednesday 11/12 at 2pm ET.
Watch the selection show presented by @DScoreboards on the @NJCAANetwork
Brent Patterson retweeted
👊🎟️The Warhawks punch their ticket!
Calhoun wins the Gulf South District to earn a spot in the 2025 #NJCAAVB DII National Championship in Cedar Rapids, IA!
njcaachampionship.prestospor…
Brent Patterson retweeted
After a conversation I had tonight…I need to say this. I despise progressive leftism with my entire soul.
I despise progressive leftism because it is a parasite that feeds on freedom while pretending to defend it. It dresses itself up in compassion and justice, but underneath, it is a machine that breeds weakness, division, and dependency.
Progressives reading this far are already melting down. Continue.
Progressive leftism is not about lifting people up. It is about dragging everyone down. It tells you that you are not responsible for your life, that someone else is always to blame, and that the government can be your savior. But the truth is this: when government becomes your provider, it also becomes your master. And I was not born to be ruled.
I despise progressive leftism because it cannot survive without lies. It denies biology, rewrites history, and pretends morality is just a matter of personal preference. It silences truth under the excuse of “safety” and “inclusion,” but what it really wants is control. A nation built on lies will collapse, and progressivism is laying the dynamite at America’s foundation.
I despise progressive leftism because it thrives on division. It does not see Americans as individuals; it sees us as categories: black or white, rich or poor, male or female, oppressor or victim. It does not unite; it fragments. It does not heal; it infects. It cannot build a future, so it manufactures grievances and keeps people chained to bitterness.
I despise progressive leftism because it destroys prosperity. It punishes success, rewards dependency, and strangles innovation. It takes from the builders and gives to the bureaucrats. It teaches people to envy rather than to earn, to demand rather than to create. The result is always the same: decline, stagnation, and despair.
I despise progressive leftism because it corrupts culture. It mocks faith, it dismantles family, it ridicules patriotism. It replaces virtue with vice, courage with cowardice, conviction with conformity. It promises liberation but delivers emptiness. A society without truth, without family, and without God. That is not freedom, it is slavery of the soul.
Progressive leftism is not just another political view. It is an acid that eats away at the bones of a free nation. To despise it is not hatred; it is survival. To oppose it is not extremism; it is duty.
I choose freedom over control. Truth over lies. Responsibility over victimhood. Prosperity over dependency. Faith over nihilism.
That is why I despise progressive leftism. And that is why I will fight it. Always.
Brent Patterson retweeted
OUR FAVORITE CUBAN HORSE.
@cubancaballo I #RollTide
Brent Patterson retweeted
A tip of the cap to you, sir.
@cubancaballo I #RollTide
Brent Patterson retweeted
No longer a baseball dad. Those were fun years. I'll leave you with this thought heading into the weekend. If you love baseball, maybe recalibrate your goals for your kid, from, "I hope he can play in college" to something like "I hope he loves baseball as much at 61 as I do."
Brent Patterson retweeted
Due to the threat of severe weather tomorrow game with Vestavia has been cancelled.
Brent Patterson retweeted
SPANKED!!
@cubancaballo hit that ball a TON. Solo no doubter doubles Alabama’s lead to 2-0 B4.