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MBS’s Troubles have just Begun! Houthi missiles, Vision 2030 cracks, a fickle White House—and only one way out: eating crow with Iran and the Houthis. In a Fox interview years ago, Mohammed bin Salman said he had loved video games since childhood and that they gave him a break from reality. That line now reads less like a hobby and more like a warning label. The file he is playing in 2026 has no pause button, no cheat code and no safe respawn. The Houthis are not NPCs. The investment summit is not a cutscene. And the White House is not a co-op partner who always has his back. The Houthi file is stuck! For weeks, Houthi missiles and drones have hit Riyadh, including deadly strikes on the capital’s airport. The flagship investment summit—the Future Investment Initiative—was pushed to next year. Western governments warned citizens away; executives worried hotels could be targets. The crown prince’s old bet—that he could crush the Houthis—has failed. The 2022 truce has frayed as the wider US-Iran conflict spilled over and the Saudi options are ugly: ground war, more airstrikes, or a deal that leaves the Houthis stronger in northern Yemen. None is a win screen. The money file is weak! Vision 2030 was supposed to diversify the economy. Instead, major projects are being delayed, public finances are tight, wages lag inflation, and foreign direct investment is far below the $100bn goal—roughly a third. The IMF once expected 4% growth in 2026; it now sees a 3.3% contraction. Social opening—women driving, more women working, concerts and cinemas—is real, but the state’s core still runs on oil, an army built to guard the regime, and an American security guarantee that looks less dependable. The Washington file is humiliating! Riyadh courted Trump with promised American investment, Saudi-funded golf events, and a $2bn deal with Jared Kushner. It got little loyalty in return. Trump may restart bombing Iran after the midterms and Saudi officials fear that would expose the kingdom on three sides: Houthis south, Iraqi militias north, Iran east. Right now, the US gives targeting help and refueling, but Trump’s commitments are transactional and short-lived. The Tehran file is desperate! This week, Saudi Defence Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman, Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir, and Turkey’s intelligence director Ibrahim Kalin flew to Tehran for the first high-level talks with Iran since the war began. The Mecca Pact delegation’s message was blunt: use your influence to stop the Houthi attacks on Saudi cities. The subtext was even blunter—if Washington resumes the war, Riyadh wants Tehran to spare Saudi targets. Iran’s reply was hardly reassuring. It claimed it lacked leverage over the Houthis, then asked the visitors to persuade Washington to accept a two-week pause in hostilities. No deal, no breakthrough—just a promise to keep talking. Why Saudi Arabia does have many options? The Houthis have grown stronger while Saudi Arabia’s choices have narrowed. The airport attacks hurt the exact thing MBS is selling—safety for investors and tourists. A renewed US war with Iran could hurt Saudi Arabia badly: more fronts, thinner air defenses, risk to oil and Red Sea shipping, and another delay to the economic plan. The crown prince’s troubles have just begun. This is not a video game. And someone has unplugged the console. In the end, MBS will have to eat crow and talk to the Houthis and Iran. There does not seem to be any other way.

Opinion | MAGA’s War on Europe Is Really About Who Holds the Leverage Washington performs a three-act play about Europe. Act one: the freeloader. Act two: the fading civilization. Act three: the censr. Each act ends with the same demand—pay up, shape up, shut up—and each one collapses the moment you check the receipts. Start with the freeloader. The old gripe was that Europe spent its peace dividend on welfare and left America holding the bill. Fair enough—once. But the invoice has been settled. In 2025, for the first time in NATO’s 75-year history, all 32 members hit the 2% GDP defense target. Not a few. Not the usual suspects. All of them. The complaint has been overtaken by the bank statement. What’s left is a genuine technical argument about how fast that money turns into deployable capability—a procurement debate, not a civilizational verdict. You don’t need a culture war to discuss delivery schedules. Then comes the erasure panic. Europe, we are told, is sleepwalking into demographic and cultural oblivion, and America must save it from itself. But the diagnosis doesn’t survive contact with the evidence. European officials have publicly dismissed “civilizational erasure” as “an attempt to score political points against Muslims”—a slogan, not a finding. Fact-checkers have found no causal link between Muslim immigration and the riots or unrest MAGA influencers cite as proof of collapse. The panic is a projection, not an observation: domestic American anxieties dressed up as foreign reportage. The love here is for an imagined past. The hate is for a present that never happened the way the story says. Finally, the censorship charge. Brussels, we hear, is ''silencing'' American speech through the Digital Services Act. The EU fined X €120 million—the first-ever penalty under the regime—and the U.S. Justice Department has formally intervened in Musk’s appeal, alleging “regulatory overreach” aimed at American innovation. Trump calls the fines “overseas extortion.” Loud. But the DSA is a market-access rule, not a speech code: it applies to platforms operating in Europe and targets transparency and systemic risk, not the content of American political speech. The objection isn’t really First Amendment piety. It’s about who writes the rules for the digital single market—and whether an American platform can be held to European law at all. That’s a trade dispute in constitutional costume. The pattern is the same in all three acts. A legitimate bargaining position—defense burden, cultural anxiety, regulatory sovereignty—gets inflated into a story of existential betrayal. Inflation serves a purpose: it turns a negotiation over price and jurisdiction into a referendum on civilization itself. That makes the demands harder to refuse and the compromises harder to sell. Europe’s mistake is treating the rhetoric as the real argument. The real argument is about leverage. Europe now meets the defense threshold. It can enforce its digital rules. It can decide how open its markets are. The question is whether it will use those levers as a coherent counterparty—or keep absorbing the moral language while losing the material terms. The love is rhetorical. The coercion is operational. Until Europe prices its own position accordingly, it will keep negotiating against a story it did not write—and cannot refute by simply being reasonable. MAGA’s Three-Act War on Europe Isn’t About Civilization or Censorship. It’s About the Price.

Israel and US make plans to strike Iran after the elections!

Donald Trump recently considered renaming the Atlantic Ocean “Trump Ocean”

Donald Tusk criticizes the US for rising oil prices in Europe!

Iranian Military posts a propaganda video mocking Trump and unveiling 'Father of all Bombs'

Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy says that while Ukraine is not losing the war, Russian attacks continue to cost lives and rob children of their childhood. He urges the US and European allies to help end the war swiftly, praising Ukrainian soldiers for keeping him strong during negotiations.

Benjamin Netanyahu says he discussed toppling Iran’s regime with US President Donald Trump on Sunday, arguing that dismantling the Iranian government is essential to preventing it from rebuilding its nuclear programme and the so-called Axis of Resistance.

Iran’s Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Major General Rezaei, meets Pakistan’s Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir for talks.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei: “Do the Americans really think they can tell Iran, ‘We will strike you, and you must stay silent,’ and expect us to accept it?