The #1 Podcast From the Horn of Africa 🌍 From the Horn of Africa to the diaspora. Culture, music, global struggle.
Joined November 2020
- Tweets5K
- Following103
- Followers13.3K
- Likes680
🔴May 3, 2021: Langley’s Recruitment Video Echoes Radical Liberal Talking Points and Manufactured, Co-opted Identity Politics
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
One can recognize the strategic use of reformism and electoral politics in certain spaces/limits without becoming an annoying ultra leftist who is a social leper
Give people time to recognize the limits & contradictions. Being condescending and judgmental will only isolate you
🔴Bourgeois Scholar Henry Louis Gates Hatred Of Kwame Ture and The Black Radical Tradition
Neoliberal Henry Louis Gates has demonstrated a longstanding disdain for Kwame Ture, using his influence to discredit a recent book on Ture’s life and politics. In the video, he comes across as condescending, attempting to belittle, discredit, and talk down the legacy of Kwame Ture. He also minimized Fanon role and global relevancy.
Critics have pointed to multiple instances in his career where Gates’s work appears to compromise historical accuracy and fairness. For example, Gates was accused of scrubbing evidence of actor Ben Affleck's slave owning ancestry from an episode of his genealogy show, Finding Your Roots. Plus he pushed Abyssinian historical revisionism on the Aksum Empire & erased Eritrea from his documentary.
This decision sparked accusations that Gates prioritized Affleck’s public image over the truth, leading some to question his commitment to an honest portrayal of history. Perhaps most controversially, Gates has recently suggested that Africans share equal responsibility with Europeans for the atrocities of the transatlantic slave trade a statement that many find deeply offensive and misleading. By implying that African complicity was equivalent to European colonial exploitation, Gates risks distorting the unique role that European powers played in perpetuating the centuries long horror of the African slave trade. This stance has led critics to accuse him of "pandering to white audiences" by shifting blame away from colonial powers and defaming Black people in the process.
Source: blackagendareport.com/conten…
Video Clips Taken from "Stokely: A Life" - A Conversation Between Peniel Joseph and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. youtu.be/6JSzenwbCiA
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
Daily Reminder
By understanding that Ethiopia has historically been a neocolonial project since the 1890s, we recognize that terms such as "colonizer" and "imperialist" do not accurately describe its role.
The Horn of Africa was not "colonized" by Ethiopia
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
tigrayan nationalism resisting comprador imposed ethiopianism
one side chooses self-determination, self-rule, & peaceful engagement with neighboring entities
vs
the other side seeks to subdue tigrayan nationalism, self-rule, and autonomy and sacrifice tigrayans for the regime
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
🔴Critical Media Analysis: How Russia Is Making a Strategic Mistake in Ethiopia While China Advances with a Shrewd Media Approach in Eritrea
In February 2025, Russia opened its first major editorial center in Ethiopia, producing content in Amharic and English. While Moscow’s engagement on the media front was initially welcomed, it is now seen by some as a strategic mistake. Russia has granted full editorial control to Addis Ababa, a Washington backed party firmly under the influence of the Abiy Ahmed regime and its apparatus.
Critics argue that the center’s output increasingly echoes traditional Abyssinian propaganda, romanticized narratives and half-truths that reinforce longstanding myths about Ethiopia’s history, from the pre-Battle of Adwa era now.
Moscow’s past support for what some describe as a pseudo Marxist Derg regime has not been critically assessed, leading it to repeat past mistakes. By prioritizing Amharic as the primary language of content, Russia overlooks Ethiopia’s complex multi-ethnic reality. A more balanced approach would have been to use a neutral or multilingual policy that respects the identities of Ethiopia’s various nationalities.
Moreover, anchoring its African media strategy so heavily on Ethiopia is a strategic error. Ethiopia’s deep internal contradictions make it an unstable model, and Russia risks misrepresenting the broader African reality by using Ethiopia as its primary lens.
This shift is evident in the behavior of Sputnik Africa’s official Twitter account, @sputnik_africa, which, since the deal was signed, has increasingly pushed hyper-nationalist narratives centered around Ethiopia. Previously, the account maintained a more balanced editorial line, offering broader and more neutral media coverage without amplifying chauvinistic propaganda.
Meanwhile, Beijing is engaging Eritrea with a more cautious and calculated approach. China’s media strategy and rollout differ significantly from Moscow’s. There is no overall editorial handover to local regimes, nor is there an evident push of chauvinistic propaganda centered on a single state like Addis Ababa. Instead, Beijing appears to prioritize a more restrained and diversified engagement across the region.
In order to truly thrive, both Moscow and Beijing must avoid centering Ethiopia as an anchor state. They must be sensitive to regional perceptions of bias by refraining from handing editorial control to the ruling regime in Addis Ababa, and instead adopt a more balanced and inclusive media strategy that reflects the diversity of the African continent.
@sputnik_africa @Rusembegypt @russembkenya
It's a great honor to visit the Eritrean News Agency and talk to Director Paulos Netabay @PNetabay on a number of issues. We @XHNews look forward to strengthening our cooperation with the esteemed organization. @hawelti @ChinaEmbEritrea 🇨🇳🇪🇷
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
🔴The Global South Can't Eat or Be Secured by "Multipolarity": The Importance of Being Sober as We Wait for BRICS to Offer Its Heavily Proclaimed Benefits In Cuba
We will soon see in Cuba whether BRICS can truly deliver the tangible benefits it promises. The time has come to take a more sober and critical approach, especially after the events in Syria, which serve as a stark reminder of the dangers of placing blind faith in lofty geopolitical ideals. The much-hyped notion of a "multipolarity" world may sound appealing in theory, but it has yet to produce concrete gains for the Global South. A multipolar system, no matter how celebrated, cannot feed the hungry or provide the security that struggling nations desperately need. The Global South requires actionable solutions and real investments—not abstract rhetoric or symbolic shifts in power. Without meaningful, measurable outcomes, "multipolarity" risks being little more than an empty slogan.
Cuba became a member of BRICS last week. The partnership is expected to throw a lifeline to the island, ravaged by U.S. sanctions under Trump and Biden. Cuba has had significant relations with several of the member states for decades.
plenglish.com/news/2025/01/0…
🔴Who Gains from Ethnocentric and Chauvinistic Discourse That Fails to Center an Analysis of Imperialism’s Central Role in Crisis and War in The Horn of Africa?
The person behind @EIshmael_ and similar accounts have a long track record of ethnocentric and chauvinistic rhetoric and tends to be soft on London's role in Somalia and Washington's ongoing management of the region.
The larger issue surrounding Moyale is how successive regimes in Addis Ababa have, for decades, used local militias or the ENDF to instigate tensions and conflicts between Oromos and Somalis, Oromos and Amharas, and Amharas and Tigrayans.
The central question is to examine and explain the timing, underlying motives, and political basis of this apparent shift in focus from the north to the south, rather than reducing the issue to ethnocentric narratives that obscure the broader role of imperialism.
Galla expansionists think they can fight all of East Africa with their newly manufactured nationalism. Before TPLF left, they barely had this nationalist obsession; now they want to quarrel with Eritrea, Sudan, Djibouti and everyone else. Their nationalism looks more like a costume than a cause like invoking Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities while knowing nothing about their distinct histories. All noise, no diplomacy, just endless expansionist fantasies.
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
#FreeTigray
In due time TDF will liberate Tigray!
The patriotic Tigrayans have rejected the occupying force & the regime itself..They have rejected humilation on their land
Tigray will not be subdued! Tigray has to right to armed struggle--Constitutionalism discourse is over!
🔴Meles Zenawi’s Daughter Semhal Reframes Ethiopia’s Struggles in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia: From Revolutionary Self Determination to Liberal Constitutionalism and Regional Autonomy
A Marxist Critique of Semhal’s Latest Interview Published on Oct 19, 2026.
Semhal's views move in and out of revolutionary or left leaning politics, increasingly adopting liberal, NED-coded language of constitutionalism, democracy, and institutional legitimacy. She shifts the Tigrayan national question from a revolutionary struggle over power, sovereignty, and self determination into a liberal struggle over legality, constitutional recognition, and institutional legitimacy.
1. The National Question Is Not a Constitutional Question
An oppressed nation's right to self-determination does not originate from constitutions, peace agreements, or state recognition. It arises from the nation's political existence and its right to determine its destiny.
By treating the Pretoria Agreement as Tigray's only legal connection to Ethiopia, Semhal reduces national sovereignty to recognition by the very state whose authority is contested.
A nation does not lose its right to self determination because its institutions are dissolved or a treaty is violated.
2. Armed Struggle and Sovereignty
Semhal argues that military conquest cannot establish legitimate authority. But legal recognition cannot guarantee sovereignty either.
Historically, armed struggle has been central to revolutionary national liberation movements confronting coercive state power. Constitutional rights, elections, and diplomacy offer no automatic guarantee of self determination.
Armed struggle is not inherently revolutionary; its character depends on its political objectives and popular foundations. Nevertheless, sovereignty ultimately requires the material capacity to defend and exercise it.
3. From Revolutionary Politics to Liberal Constitutionalism
Semhal shifts the emphasis from organized popular power to constitutional recognition, from revolutionary resistance to elections and diplomacy, and from transforming power relations to legally negotiated reintegration.
These instruments are not inherently incompatible with revolutionary politics. The question is which is primary: political power or legal recognition.
For revolutionary movements, legality is an instrument of struggle, not the foundation of sovereignty. Semhal increasingly reverses this relationship.
4. The Missing Question: Political Power
Semhal advocates legal battles, diplomacy, civil resistance, and international pressure without adequately explaining how these would transform the existing balance of power.
The fundamental historical materialist questions remain: Who controls coercive power? What social forces sustain the ruling order? Who can challenge it, and who will govern afterward?
Neither constitutional interpretation nor international recognition can substitute for organized popular power.
5. Revolutionary Self-Determination vs. Liberal Legitimacy
Semhal shifts the Tigrayan national question from revolutionary sovereignty toward legitimate administration, elections, constitutional reintegration, and institutional reform.
These concerns matter, including her criticism of arbitrary military authority. But they cannot replace the fundamental struggle over who exercises political power.
Self determination is not merely a legal right granted or recognized by an existing state; it is the sovereign capacity of an organized people to determine their political future, whether through federation or independence.
Semhal's central theoretical weakness is treating legality as the guarantor of sovereignty rather than recognizing that effective legality depends on material political power.
That is the fundamental distinction between liberal constitutionalism and revolutionary national self determination.
🔴A necessary clarification: This critique does not suggest that all armed forces or political movements operating in Amhara Oromia or Tigray are inherently revolutionary. Taking up arms does not automatically make a movement revolutionary. Its revolutionary character must be judged by its political objectives, social foundations, actions, and relationship with the people. Ultimately, it is the people themselves who must determine whether these forces genuinely represent their aspirations for liberation and self determination.
🔴Stalin Was Right Then and Remains Right Today on Ethiopia’s National Question, Including Tigray: Regional Autonomy Is Essential to a Lasting Resolution
One of the most influential theoretical works among Ethiopian and Eritrean revolutionaries of the 1960s and 1970s was Joseph Stalin’s Marxism and the National Question (1913). His analysis of national oppression, self-determination, and regional autonomy provided a Marxist framework for addressing Ethiopia’s national question.
The central argument remains relevant ... the national question cannot be resolved through forced assimilation, political centralization, or the denial of national identities and collective rights. A lasting solution requires national equality, the right to self determination, and meaningful regional autonomy that enables nations and nationalities to govern their own affairs within a progressive political framework.
🔴Stalin Was Right Then and Remains Right Today on Ethiopia’s National Question, Including Tigray: Regional Autonomy Is Essential to a Lasting Resolution
One of the most influential theoretical works among Ethiopian and Eritrean revolutionaries of the 1960s and 1970s was Joseph Stalin’s Marxism and the National Question (1913). His analysis of national oppression, self-determination, and regional autonomy provided a Marxist framework for addressing Ethiopia’s national question.
The central argument remains relevant ... the national question cannot be resolved through forced assimilation, political centralization, or the denial of national identities and collective rights. A lasting solution requires national equality, the right to self determination, and meaningful regional autonomy that enables nations and nationalities to govern their own affairs within a progressive political framework.
🔴Suez, the 1956 Poem: The Black Radical Who Stood with Egypt | W. E. B. Du Bois and the Struggle Against Imperialism
🔴Samora Machel Was Martyred On October 19, 1986
Dr.Huey P. Newton and Samora Michel in China 1971
“International solidarity is not an act of charity: It is an act of unity between allies fighting on different terrains toward the same objective. The foremost of these objectives is to aid the development of humanity to the highest level possible.”-Samora Machel
🔴Making The Portuguese Connection to the Horn and Mozambique: Samora Machel On Who Is The Enemy Of The People
"Our war is a war of national liberation against Portuguese colonialism, against imperialism and against the exploitation of man by man. The colonialists want our war to cease being a struggle against the exploiters and to be transformed into a war against the Portuguese people, to stop being against imperialism and to become a war between the black people of Mozambique and the white population in Mozambique, a racist war. In order to achieve this objective, Portugal is systematically driving the African people from their fertile lands and settling European people there.
When the Portuguese government drives Mozambicans from their land in order to put settlers there, their prime aim is to force the emergence of contradictions between the Mozambican and Portuguese peoples. In so doing, colonialism will tell the white farmers that they must defend their land against the Africans, at the same time creating in the African population a feeling of hatred for those who have occupied their land. Transforming the nature of our war and making us become confused as to the identity of the enemy, would be to create confusion as to who should be the target of our bullets.”
— Samora Machel, Mozambican freedom fighter and leader of FRELIMO, in 1971
🔴FRELIMO Conceded To Neoliberalism After Samora Machel Assassination-What Happened in Mozambique From Then to Now?
With the removal of the final vestiges of Marxism from FRELIMO at the 5th Congress greater economic reform programs commenced with the help of the World Bank, IMF & various international donors.
Good insight fliphtml5.com/kdhx/jahe
Horn of Africa Leftists retweeted
Jigna Tigrawi!
Yesterday, the Derg regime failed to bury the Tigrayan and Eritrean peoples with fighter jets.
Today, Abiy Ahmed’s regime will fail to bury them with drones.
TDF is aming to #FreeTigray while the TPF is aiming to occupy it on behalf of the regime.
🔴This Is Not “Chaos” in Sudan. It Is Imperialist Arson, With the UAE and Ethiopia Doing the Dirty Work for Washington and London.
Third UAE-Backed Rapid Support Militia Drone Attack Hits Khartoum: Sources Reveal Ethiopian Launch Site, Corroborating Earlier Report of UAE-Flown Drone Operators
Khartoum, October 19, 2026
Eastern Khartoum came under a third wave of drone attacks on Monday, carried out by the UAE-backed Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed), as the Sudanese capital faced repeated aerial assaults throughout the day. One of the attacks killed four civilians, including three children between the ages of two and six, when a drone struck a residential home in the Burri Imtidad Nasser neighborhood.
Reliable sources speaking to Sudanese Echo have revealed new information indicating that the latest attack was launched from inside Ethiopian territory, specifically from a location approximately 13 kilometers across the Ethiopian border, southeast of the Ethiopian town of Al-Biro. According to the sources, the location was used to launch drones targeting the Sudanese capital, raising serious concerns about the use of Ethiopian territory for cross-border military operations against Sudan.
The latest developments come just days after Sudanese Echo published an exclusive report, citing reliable sources, revealing that a group of foreign mercenaries had arrived at Asosa Airport in western Ethiopia aboard an aircraft from the United Arab Emirates, amid preparations for a large-scale drone offensive targeting Sudan's Blue Nile State.
The sources had indicated that preparations were underway to deploy a significant number of drones, with Saturday, October 17, 2026, reportedly designated as the planned start date for the offensive. The nationalities and number of mercenaries who arrived at the airport were not disclosed.
The newly reported launch location lends further significance to Sudanese Echo's earlier reporting on military preparations inside Ethiopia and raises questions about whether the scope of the planned operations has expanded beyond Blue Nile State to include the Sudanese capital, Khartoum. Sudanese Echo has not independently verified the precise launch location or established a direct operational connection between the reported mercenary arrivals and Monday's attacks.
The developments also follow a Reuters investigation published on February 10, 2026, which revealed the existence of a secret military training camp in Ethiopia's Benishangul-Gumuz region, where thousands of fighters were reportedly being trained for the Rapid Support Militia. Drawing on satellite imagery, security documents, and interviews with eight sources, including a senior Ethiopian government official, Reuters reported that the United Arab Emirates had financed the camp's construction and provided military trainers and logistical support.
According to an Ethiopian security document reviewed by the news agency, approximately 4,300 fighters were stationed at the facility in early January. The investigation also identified expansion work at Asosa Airport, including infrastructure associated with drone operations. The UAE has denied involvement in Sudan's war.
Separately, Yale University's Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL), based at the Yale School of Public Health, documented military activity at an Ethiopian National Defense Forces base in Asosa in a series of reports published throughout 2026. Based on satellite imagery analysis, the laboratory assessed with high confidence that activity at the facility was consistent with military assistance to the Rapid Support Militia.
Yale's findings included military and logistical movements at the base, as well as the preparation and repainting of vehicles consistent with those operated by the militia in Sudan's Blue Nile State. In a report published on August 28, the laboratory also identified a brigade-sized military support buildup at the facility associated with activities supporting the militia.
The renewed attacks on Khartoum follow a series of drone strikes against civilians across Sudan, including an attack on a gathering of displaced people in Abu Shendi, Wad Al-Mahi locality, Blue Nile State, on October 9. That attack killed 41 civilians, including eight children and a large number of women. The United Nations condemned the attack and warned of the continued targeting of civilians and the worsening humanitarian situation.
The deaths of three young children in Khartoum on Monday have once again highlighted the devastating civilian toll of the militia's drone operations. Meanwhile, the latest information obtained by Sudanese Echo points to continued military preparations and activities linked to the Rapid Support Militia inside Ethiopian territory, raising concerns about further attacks on Sudanese cities and critical civilian infrastructure, including power stations, water supply facilities, and other essential public services.
#Sudan
#RSFisTerroristOrganization
#UAEKillsSudanesePeople
#UAESponsorsTerrorism
