Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara) profile picture
Joined July 2011
Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)Photo by Bernardo Jaramillo (@berjara)
Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
La principal clave de la remontada de Lula fue la masiva activación del canal de whatsapp con 11 millones de simpatizantes para seguir las instrucciones de @AndreJanonesMG no solo para "explotar" el contenido de Lula, sobre todo para hacer desaparecer las fakenews de Bolsonaro.
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La memoria se disputa y cuando los afiches fueron censurados en el Museo, volvieron a cobrar vida en la calle. Descarga e imprime los PDF originales de los afiches censurados drive.google.com/drive/folde…
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Derrotamos a Meta. Derrotamos as bets. Derrotamos os EUA. Derrotamos a milícia. Derrotamos a Faria Lima. Derrotamos a turma do Vorcaro. Derrotamos Flávio Bolsonaro. Lula é tetra, e de virada. Isso é HISTÓRIA, e cada uma e cada um de vocês ajudou a escrever 💗
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Estoy llorando, amigas, es la selva, es el triunfo de la gente sobre el embrutecimiento del algoritmo, son los pueblos indígenas, es el corazón del mundo que le apuesta a la vida. Lloro de alegría.
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Foto teta si gana Lula.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Merci à Christophe Clavé pour cet éclairage sur l’appauvrissement de la langue et la ruine de la pensée 🙌 "La disparition progressive des temps (subjonctif, passé simple, imparfait, formes composées du futur, participe passé…) donne lieu à une pensée au présent, limitée à l’instant, incapable de projections dans le temps. La généralisation du tutoiement, la disparition des majuscules et de la ponctuation sont autant de coups mortels portés à la subtilité de l’expression. Supprimer le mot «mademoiselle» est non seulement renoncer à l’esthétique d’un mot, mais également promouvoir l’idée qu’entre une petite fille et une femme il n’y a rien. Moins de mots et moins de verbes conjugués c’est moins de capacités à exprimer les émotions et moins de possibilité d’élaborer une pensée. Des études ont montré qu’une partie de la violence dans la sphère publique et privée provient directement de l’incapacité à mettre des mots sur les émotions. Sans mot pour construire un raisonnement, la pensée complexe chère à Edgar Morin est entravée, rendue impossible. Plus le langage est pauvre, moins la pensée existe. L’histoire est riche d’exemples et les écrits sont nombreux de Georges Orwell dans « 1984 » à Ray Bradbury dans « Fahrenheit 451 » qui ont relaté comment les dictatures de toutes obédiences entravaient la pensée en réduisant et tordant le nombre et le sens des mots. Il n’y a pas de pensée critique sans pensée. Et il n’y a pas de pensée sans mots. Comment construire une pensée hypothético-déductive sans maîtrise du conditionnel ? Comment envisager l’avenir sans conjugaison au futur ? Comment appréhender une temporalité, une succession d’éléments dans le temps, qu’ils soient passés ou à venir, ainsi que leur durée relative, sans une langue qui fait la différence entre ce qui aurait pu être, ce qui a été, ce qui est, ce qui pourrait advenir, et ce qui sera après que ce qui pourrait advenir soit advenu ? Si un cri de ralliement devait se faire entendre aujourd’hui, ce serait celui, adressé aux parents et aux enseignants : faites parler, lire et écrire vos enfants, vos élèves, vos étudiants. Enseignez et pratiquez la langue dans ses formes les plus variées, même si elle semble compliquée, surtout si elle est compliquée. Parce que dans cet effort se trouve la liberté. Ceux qui expliquent à longueur de temps qu’il faut simplifier l’orthographe, purger la langue de ses «défauts», abolir les genres, les temps, les nuances, tout ce qui crée de la complexité sont les fossoyeurs de l’esprit humain. Il n’est pas de liberté sans exigences. Il n’est pas de beauté sans la pensée de la beauté." Christophe Clavé
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Que una fundación ligada a la familia del presidente, constituida el 7 de julio y sin experiencia en manejar recursos, haya captado después del terremoto del 10 de agosto más de 54.000 millones en muy poco tiempo llama la atención. Eso es más de lo que invierte en un año cualquiera de las grandes fundaciones del país, y después del terremoto solo la colecta de la ANDI movió más plata, un gremio con décadas manejando recursos y no una fundación con un mes de creada. Pero lo grave está en otra parte, más del 80 por ciento de esa plata la puso un solo grupo económico, de los que más se la jugó por Abelardo de la Espriella. El conflicto de interés es evidente y no hay que probar ningún soborno, basta con que un grupo regulado por el gobierno le meta plata a lo que maneja la familia del presidente. Con esa plata se está personalizando algo que le corresponde al Estado. La atención del terremoto la quieren convertir en caridad como en el pasado, en una causa de la esposa del presidente, ¿por qué diablos? Además usaron los canales institucionales para recaudar, hasta el vicepresidente que muchos de ustedes admiran recomendó la fundación en una de sus redes. Esto se parece a lo que Fukuyama describe como patrimonialismo en Orden y decadencia de la política, cuando quienes gobiernan manejan lo público como si fuera propio y en beneficio de su familia. Esa forma de manejar lo público no viene sola, va de la mano con la manera como el presidente habla de la democracia. Cuando habla del régimen anterior se refiere a Petro, elegido en democracia como Uribe, Santos y Duque, y el único régimen desde el 91 es la democracia. Si a la democracia la llama régimen anterior es porque su apuesta es por otro régimen, el suyo, uno iliberal donde lo público se maneja como propio, y la fundación de su esposa es una situación más que muestra hacia dónde quiere ir.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
¿Crisis del libro o de una forma de venderlo? @MercadoLibre crece mientras las librerías físicas pierden ventas. Reuní datos durante casi dos años para analizar qué cambia en el mercado editorial argentino. Datos, hipótesis y consecuencias: germanecheverria.com.ar/vent…
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
El maestro @daniInnerarity, siempre un lujo leerlo.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Repasemos las piezas que hoy censuró el Gobierno del Museo Nacional. Acá un mapa de una de las paredes borradas. 🏳️‍🌈🏳️‍⚧️♀️ Hilo sobre la gente y cosas que quieren borrar🧵👇
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Estoy aplicando una "técnica" simple para saber qué dice el presidente de facto: esperar que alguien transcriba. Es en promedio un párrafo por discurso estridente. A ese imbécil solo lo oiría en diligencias de indagatoria. Y ni eso.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Cuando ataquen Rock al Parque como espectáculo público gratuito pensando que mejor sería una administración privada que haga negocio con él, piensen en lo que está haciendo Sencia con el fútbol de Bogotá y la administración del estadio y verán que se les pasa.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
‘Australia without migrant workers’ Who made this? 👏 Mandatory viewing for any fool who still doesn’t understand the implications of slamming the gates shut.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good. I know. I know. I think about it on the tram. We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle. It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species. Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate. 287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself. We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it. Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name. A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog. And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters. People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all. So who did we give it to? An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us. She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown. The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him. Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept. It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall. But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for. That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it. We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was. He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him. Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Se me cayó la estantería con la banda sonora de una parte de la vida...
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Replying to @Nicholls_C_
Sí, es como cambiar un árbol fuerte, firme, abierto, protector, con frutos y con raíces profundas en la cultura por un chamizo imitación bonsai en una matera que dice "dirección". Y antes de Martínez estuvo Ana Roda y se construyó sobre lo construido, se hizo bosque, no aserrín.
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Bernardo Jaramillo retweeted
Me exigen una rectificación. Les comparto mi Ratificación eltiempo.com/justicia/paz-y-…
Según el Activista de Extrema Izquierda de @BluRadioCo Luis Ernesto Gómez, en el tal “estallido social” le sacaron los ojos a 100 (Cien) personas Señor @BluRadioCo podrían rectificar esta información o publicar los nombres de estas 100 personas?
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