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Intensive Care Consultant, Dad, Husband, Gardener

UK
Joined January 2020
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pogsons also on bluesky retweeted
Now I have an excuse to post my favourite ever twitter exchange again
🧵 Toby Young’s Free Speech Union (FSU) is reeling from internal grievances involving allegations of racism, workplace discrimination, and sexually inappropriate remarks by senior members of staff. What? Surely not! I'm old enough to remember when In January 2018, Toby Young was appointed to the board of the new universities regulator, the Office for Students, and his old tweets, mostly from 2009, quickly resurfaced. He had tweeted “What happened to Winkleman’s breasts Put on some weight girlie”, asked “Do Padma’s breasts look bigger than normal?”, said a female MP had “quite a cleavage”, and joked of a woman pictured with him that he “had my dick up her arse”. He called lesbians “dykes” and George Michael “queer as a coot”. He deleted around 50,000 tweets, a petition against him passed 220,000 signatures, and on 9 January he resigned, saying his appointment had “become a distraction”. The just announced controversy claims that a key figure in the campaign group, the chief operating officer, Sigrun Olafsdottir, departed late last week after employees alleged that she told a junior member of staff she would “never hire a black person” as a part of a one-on-one meeting late last year. The organisation’s legislative affairs director, Sam Armstrong, who is also head of communications for the Reform MP Robert Jenrick, has meanwhile been accused of making staff members uncomfortable by discussing the American actor Sydney Sweeney’s “assets” in a meeting with more than a dozen staff. The claims cap a difficult period for the FSU, founded by the Conservative life peer Toby Young, and which critics see as a partisan rallying point for anti-woke grievance. And they may complicate how the organisation seeks to publicly present itself, as a nonpartisan group that seeks to defend “free speech” from the overreach of censorious authorities – one which often raises money from its 50,000 members to do so. In July, the Guardian reported that the US state department had allocated $5m to the international umbrella organisation that oversees the FSU, part of a larger effort by the Trump administration to promote rightwing causes in Europe. The state department appeared to withdraw this grant after the Guardian reported on the allocation. In August, the Guardian reported on questions about the organisation’s practices around charity crowdfunding, centred on an instance in which the FSU appeared to raise £60,000 for a legal case that was ultimately fought pro-bono. Much of the FSU’s work consists of raising money for people who it argues have faced inappropriate consequences for exercising their right to free speech. Lord Young told the Guardian that that case was “not handled on an exclusively pro bono basis”, saying there was another lawyer involved and the person whose case it was had separate legal costs. These revelations have come alongside a period of internal turmoil. Eight members of the FSU’s small staff have departed within the past year. The Guardian understands that a crucial part of this disquiet has been the allegation of racism against Olafsdottir. The Guardian has spoken to multiple sources about these allegations and viewed documentation related to parts of the claims. Employees complained that Olafsdottir was frequently “hostile” towards younger members of staff. This alleged hostility was said to occur during the FSU’s in-person gatherings. The staff of the FSU work remotely but meet regularly for in-person events. These often take place at pubs and hotels, with some personnel said to drink heavily late into the night. Employees of the FSU described blurred boundaries and instances of aggression and discriminatory behaviour on the part of some senior staff during these sessions. Olafsdottir and Armstrong declined to comment. Young told the Guardian he could not comment on “internal employment matters”. (Continued...) theguardian.com/uk-news/2026…
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Madness - One Step Beyond🎶🎤
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Of everything they've ever done, and I love it all, this is easily the best Vic and Bob sketch. Bob losing it halfway through. "I tell ya what I gonna do, first chance I get kid, I'm outta this small town shit hole. Am gonna go somewhere big city... rike Reeds" 🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣
Dr Shakamoto "Good ruck kid"
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Yes, European leaders need to understand that if you criticise Trump, he will get much more narcissistic supply from the time you praise him. Because Carney has stood up to Trump, Carney telling Trump “I enjoyed my phone call with you” means something to Trump. He gets narcissistic supply from it. Starmer saying the same to Trump didn’t mean anything, because Starmer didn’t stand up to Trump. So: you influence Trump more by hitting him hard rather than just sucking up to him. But, this doesn’t apply to Zelensky. Zelensky doesn’t exist for Trump. Trump thinks of Zelensky as an unwashed person off the street - Trump’s rigid hygiene reaction kicks in here, with a dollop of selective anti-semitism. Trump derives no narcissistic supply when Zelensky praises him. So, critical of Trump is not available to Zelensky as a useful tool. Any criticism he makes irritates Trump and makes him ever more convinced that Zelensky is an unwashed person off the street.
Replying to @VladVexler
Dear Vlad, since you mention how Carney pushing back on Trump works better than someone like Starmer sucking up to him, what do you make of this? Zel. is in a tough spot, competing directly with Putin for Trump's ego. Should he hold back/be more critical? ft.com/content/fb2110b4-50d2…
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I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good. I know. I know. I think about it on the tram. We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle. It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species. Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate. 287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself. We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it. Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name. A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog. And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters. People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all. So who did we give it to? An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us. She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown. The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him. Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept. It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall. But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for. That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it. We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was. He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him. Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
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At last Ed Sheeran finds a backing band - Crème Brulee.
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The Beat “Save It For Later” (live OTT 1982) From Special Beat Service. Dave Wakeling’s timeless classic.
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Tubeway Army's great performance of "Are 'Friends' Electric?" on the 1979 Old Grey Whistle Test
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New Order - True Faith (1987)
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The Stranglers - "Walk On By". (1978). This cover captures the band’s signature punk rock meets New Wave vibe from that era.They’re fully leaning into their iconic "Meninblack" look, rocking that dark, moody aesthetic they were famous for. Performance-wise, it’s pure punk (1/2)👇
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Cuando a Matt Johnson en The The se le unían Johnny Marr en la guitarra, James Eller en el bajo, David Palmer en la batería y el tremendo D.C.Collard en los teclados eran absolutamente perfectos en directo. Uncertain Smile
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New Order’s “Blue Monday” reimagined with 1930s instruments by Orkestra Obsolete. Theremin, musical saw, harmonium ... pure genius. This cover is absolute magic.
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Absolute heroes 💪👏👏👏👏👏
Share if you think the #RNLI are heroes. 🛟
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The famous grave of Thomas Thetcher at Winchester Cathedral. A timely warning!
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The line between horror and comedy can be a thin one. Vic and Bob's brilliant Masterchef sketch from 1995 made me laugh out loud while my skin was crawling. "HE IS SAD!"
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Omg….
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The most underrated rock band in history.
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PLEASE SHARE THIS To the young person (longish dark hair, patterned waistcoat, chinos & DM boots) who left this scroll of papers on the Piccadilly Line train at South Kensington station at about 4.25pm today, I’ve handed it to the station staff at Hammersmith.
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