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Valdemar diz não ter gostado de carta golpista de Flávio Bolsonaro, divulgada na chegada aos EUA | Após fugir do Brasil, o senador do PL se declarou ‘o verdadeiro presidente eleito do Brasil’, sem reconhecer a derrota para o presidente Lula na disputa ... ebx.sh/CWWDSm
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The far right sticks together: after losing Brazil’s election, Flávio Bolsonaro fled to Miami despite facing a criminal inquiry in an elaborate operation aided by Trump’s inner circle and Argentina’s president. trib.al/z6Aw2mb
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A vitória do presidente Lula não foi de uma frente ampla. Foi uma FRENTE POPULAR. Não foram lideranças políticas de centro e centro-direita que trouxeram votos. O povo e os movimentos foram as ruas, demonstraram força e pressionaram artistas e pessoas influentes a se posicionar.
The Western media is already trying to rewrite the story of Lula’s victory. They want you to believe it was a triumph of broad democratic coalitions and institutional resilience.
But the material reality on the ground tells a completely different story.
Three weeks before the election, Lula was trailing in the polls. The algorithms were rigged against him. The cosmopolitan bourgeoisie that backed him in 2022 had abandoned him.
So Lula stopped talking about abstract democracy and started talking about survival.
He promised to cut the workweek from 44 to 40 hours. He targeted the crushing cost of public transport. He expanded the social wage. He stopped preaching to the liberal elites and started speaking directly to the factory floor and the favelas.
And when the far-right took a two-point lead after the first round, the working class did what the working class always does when the system tries to erase them.
They took the streets.
The mobilizations on Avenida Paulista and across Brazil were the largest spontaneous left-wing uprisings in the country's history. This was not a campaign managed by political consultants. It was an organic explosion of the popular classes physically dragging their candidate across the finish line.
This changes the entire calculus of Lula's fourth term.
In 2022, he owed his victory to a broad coalition of elites who just wanted stability. In 2026, he owes his survival entirely to the streets. The empire threw tariffs, censorship, and disinformation at him, thinking the working class was too atomized to fight back.
They forgot that when you push a population to the brink, they do not just vote. They mobilize.
Lula does not owe this mandate to the algorithms, the media, or the bourgeoisie.
He owes it to the workers who built the country. And the streets always collect their debts.
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Se vc conhece alguém que foi demitido por causa do voto, incentive-o a procurar a justiça para reverter a demissão e cobrar indenização por danos morais do patrão bolsonarista.
É doendo no bolso que esse pessoal vai aprender a respeitar as leis trabalhistas.
Demissão por causa de voto pode ser revertida e gerar dano moral
Inconformados com a derrota de Flávio Bolsonaro (PL) nas eleições presidenciais, políticos e empresários que apoiaram o candidato passaram a incitar, ameaçar ou anunciar a demissão de empregados que teriam votado no presidente Lula (PT).
conjur.com.br/2026-out-28/de…
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A grande imprensa brasileira descobre, afinal, que Flávio Balsonaro nunca passou de um golpista. Se soubesse antes que ele era apenas isso, talvez não o tivesse tratado com tanta reverência.
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O MDB reafirma sua total confiança no sistema eleitoral brasileiro e, portanto, na legitimidade do resultado do pleito do último domingo.
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Estou de acordo com as contas públicas equilibradas. Contudo, não aceitamos que a conta seja paga pelos mais pobres. As urnas foram claríssimas. E digo mais, a superioridade moral imaginada da Faria Lima acabou quando a PF mostrou que lavavam dinheiro para o crime organizado.
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🚀Governo Lula amplia tratamento contra o câncer com a entrega de aceleradores lineares em diversas cidades.
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Given all this, many in Brazil expected that, if defeated, Flávio would leave the country. With his immunity ending, the Federal Police were set to ramp up their investigations — hence the request to seize his passport. Before calling it persecution, please consider our context.
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4) Flávio's wealth raises eyebrows. In 2021, he bought a US$1M mansion, worth 3x his 2018 declared assets, with a loan from BRB, a Federal District public bank that later tried to buy Vorcaro's bank. From the 1990s to 2018, his family bought 51 properties at least partly in cash.
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Flávio's allies in his home state are cause for concern. The politician he had picked to run for Senate is in jail on suspicion of money laundering, and has known ties to the “milícias.” The first gubernatorial candidate he wanted is also in jail, over ties to drug trafficking.
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The office scheme was allegedly run by Fabrício Queiroz, an ex-cop who had served with Adriano. He collected money from other staffers and paid bills such as school fees for Flávio's daughters. In 2020, he was found hiding — and arrested — at a house owned by Flávio's lawyer.
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Adriano's wife worked in Flávio's office at the state assembly from 2007 to 2018; his mother, from 2016 to 2018. Both are suspected of taking part in a scheme that diverted public funds from the office. Flávio was charged, though the case was later annulled on procedural grounds.
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Adriano da Nóbrega, killed in a 2020 shootout with police, ran a murder-for-hire business. A former cop, like many “milícia” members, he was expelled from the force in 2014 over his ties to organized crime. Flávio awarded him a state medal and even took shooting lessons with him.
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3) Back in 2007, as a state lawmaker, Flávio publicly defended the “milícias” — a form of organized crime that emerged in Rio to control territory and charge residents protection fees. His ties to these criminals, especially Adriano da Nóbrega, are still cause for concern.
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c) The governor of Rio, Flávio’s ally in his home state, used state pension fund money to help the bank. Vorcaro paid for his trips and whisky. Bolsonaro’s ex-chief of staff tried to rescue the bank in the Senate. He got a monthly allowance, an apartment, a credit card and trips.
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b) In WhatsApp texts with Mr. Vorcaro, Flávio called him “big bro” and said the banker could “always count on him.” Vorcaro allegedly bribed several Bolsonaro close allies: the governor of the Federal District used public money to try to rescue his bank. And there’s much more:
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a) The script of “Dark Horse” became a laughingstock. The trailer makes the budget — never made public — look implausible. The film also got public money, via congressional earmarks and São Paulo City Hall. The Federal Police are investigating possible misappropriation of funds.
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2) His ties to Mr. Tomaz aren't the only scandal Flávio is allegedly involved in. Far more consequential for the election was his closeness to the jailed banker who owned the other third of that private jet. Flávio asked Mr. Vorcaro for US$24M to fund a biopic about his father.






















