@molemob retweeted
This paper answers why confident idiots run the world.
Cornell University published a psychological paper that explains every terrible boss, every loud influencer, and every broken corporate hierarchy.
It’s called “Unskilled and Unaware of It.”
they tested participants across logic, grammar, and humor to measure the gap between actual performance and self-perception.
And the results are wild.
participants scoring in the bottom 12th percentile consistently believed they were operating in the 62nd percentile.
they were not lying. they were literally incapable of recognizing their own incompetence.
the paper revealed a brutal paradox:
the exact skills required to master a domain are the exact same skills required to accurately evaluate your own competence in that domain.
if you lack the skill, you inherently lack the cognitive capacity to realize you are failing.
this creates a dangerous systemic loop.
the incompetent are blessed with absolute, blinding certainty. their brain protects them from their own ignorance, allowing them to speak first, demand authority, and never second-guess their decisions.
meanwhile, the actual experts suffer the exact inverse.
top performers in the study consistently underestimated their rank. because a task was easy for them, they falsely assumed it was easy for everyone else.
they hesitate. they obsess over nuance. they assume they have nothing unique to add.
we are biologically wired to confuse confidence with competence.
the loudest person in the room gets promoted, gets funded, and gets the microphone, not because they know what they are doing, but because they are physically incapable of seeing what they don't.
the only defense mechanism is building systems that stop rewarding absolute certainty and start demanding proof of work.
@molemob retweeted
Ideas matter, but what do we do with them?
Nelson Mandela Foundation Chief Executive Dr Mbongiseni Buthelezi reflects on why Madiba established the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture in 2003.
Ahead of Friday’s 24th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, delivered by former President of Colombia, and 2016 Nobel Peace Laureate, Juan Manuel Santos under the theme “When is silence complicity?”
Watch the full interview here: bit.ly/4ecY7fl
#NMAL2026 #MandelaLecture
@molemob retweeted
I feel this article is well worth reading. It helps dispel the myth that critical thinking can be applied to all situations. Many educational programs and business leaders have advocated for learning “higher-order thinking skills,” assuming these skills will then be++
@molemob retweeted
SOUTH AFRICA’S GRADUATION OUT OF AGOA DOESN’T MEAN WE WON'T HAVE ACCESS TO THE U.S. MARKET. WE WILL HAVE ACCESS, BUT WITH SLIGHTLY HIGHER TARIFFS.
While we are now in a different political climate, I think it’s important to remember that aside from the issues the U.S. raised about South Africa’s eligibility to be part of AGOA, there have been some conversations for some time. For example, back in 2014, the focus, amongst other things, was on the reality that South Africa is an upper-middle-income country and should have graduated from AGOA to a full bilateral trade agreement with the U.S.
Of course, we had our own complications, both because of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which we can’t sign bilateral trade agreements without, and because we lobbied to keep benefiting from this unilateral approach (AGOA).
Looking back, if we had found a way to graduate out of AGOA, as we were pressured to do then, and started conversations about a trade agreement, we would be in a different climate than what we are seeing now.
Of course, this doesn’t mean countries with trade agreements are spared from drastic changes in U.S. trade policy; we see those changes affecting countries like Canada.
Beyond South Africa graduating out of AGOA, I think there is also confusion about the implications. Others frame it as a complete ban from the U.S. market, which is not the case.
Simply put, as South Africa transitions out of AGOA, the country would face an additional Most Favoured Nation tariff of around 3.4% on top of the existing tariffs the current U.S. Administration added to various countries.
Currently, some South African products enter the U.S. market at 12.5% tariffs (Liberation Day tariff). Without AGOA, these tariffs would rise to 15.9%, slightly reducing the competitiveness of some South African products in the U.S. market.
Still, one could argue that while this would be a challenging path, it would not necessarily be as catastrophic as we have faced in the past, when we faced much higher U.S. tariffs and still managed to compete.
Consider South Africa’s agriculture: in 2025, the South African farming sector faced tariffs of around 30%. Still, agricultural exports to the U.S. were strong.
South Africa’s agricultural exports to the U.S. in 2025 totalled US$504 million, down 3% from the previous year.
During the higher “Liberation Day Tariffs”, some South African agricultural exporters took advantage of the 90-day pause in the second quarter of 2025 and exported more volume than usual.
After this pause, exports cooled in the third and fourth quarters of 2025. Notably, South Africa’s agricultural exports to the U.S. fell 11% in the third quarter of 2025, compared with the same period in 2024, to US$144 million. In the last quarter, South Africa’s agricultural exports to the U.S. fell sharply by 39% to US$81 million. Still, the overall annual exports were encouraging.
Even this year, South Africa’s agricultural exports to the U.S. were strong. For example, South Africa's agricultural exports to the U.S. increased by 56% from the first quarter of 2026 to the second quarter of 2026, to US$123 million. The decline in U.S. tariffs, from 30% to 12.5%, among other factors, has been the major contributor to the increase in South Africa’s agricultural exports to the U.S.
The U.S. remains an important market for South African agriculture, accounting for about 4% of our agricultural exports. Main exports include citrus, berries, grapes, raisins, wine, fruit juices, apples, pears, apricots, and nuts.
Again, South Africa's graduation from AGOA must be viewed in context and may not mean a catastrophe. This is not to understate the impact some industries may feel as the increase in tariffs slightly reduces their competitiveness. Still, we must manage the sentiment and narrative around this issue well.
Above all, this yet again reminds us of the need to work hard to diversify South Africa’s export markets to growing regions such as Asia and the Middle East.
But export diversification must be framed correctly; it is not a replacement for the U.S., EU, UK, Africa, and other markets. These remain key, and we must work to retain our access to them.
--Wandile
@molemob retweeted
As confirmed in September 2026 by Land Reform and Rural Development Minister Mzwanele Nyhontso, the South African government does not have recently updated, comprehensive statistics for racial land ownership, meaning the 2017 State Land Audit remains the most recent official benchmark.
The statistics from the official 2017 Land Audit Report issued by the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform break down ownership based on categories of title deeds as follows:
1. Farms and Agricultural Holdings (Rural Individually Deeded Land)
When isolating individual title deeds for farms and agricultural holdings (which accounts for roughly 37 million hectares), the official racial distribution is:
Coloured people: 15% (5,371,383 hectares)
African people: 4% (1,314,873 hectares)
Combined African & Coloured individual ownership: 19%
(For context, White individuals hold 72% and Indian individuals hold 5% of this specific land category).
2. Urban Land (Individual Residential and Erven Title Deeds)
For individuals holding title deeds in urban areas (totaling roughly 722,667 hectares), the distribution shifts significantly:
African people: 30% (219,033 hectares)
Coloured people: 8% (54,522 hectares)
Combined African & Coloured individual ownership: 38%
(White individuals hold 49% and Indian individuals hold 8% of urban individual deeded land).
Crucial Caveats regarding South African Land Statistics
The data above does not equate to a percentage of all land in South Africa due to the following data limitations acknowledged by both government and researchers:
Juristic Hidden Data: The state land audit could only assign a race to land held by private individuals. Roughly 46% of private land is registered under Companies, Trusts, and Communal Property Associations (CPAs), which cannot be racially profiled by the Deeds Office.
State and Communal Land Exclusions: The figures exclude the 23% of South African land owned directly by the State, as well as approximately 15% to 18 million hectares of communal land (such as the Ingonyama Trust).
This communal land is occupied almost exclusively by millions of Black Africans, but mostly lacks individual title deeds.
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@molemob retweeted
In 1998 former President Thabo Mbeki said
“A major component part of the issue of reconciliation and nation building is defined by and derives from
the material conditions in our society which have divided our country into two nations, the one black and
the other white
South Africa is a country of two nations.
One of these nations is white, relatively prosperous, regardless of gender or geographic dispersal.
It has ready access to a developed economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure.
This enables it to argue that, except for the persistence of gender discrimination against women, all
members of this nation have the possibility to exercise their right to equal opportunity, the development
opportunities to which the Constitution of '93 committed our country.
The second and larger nation of South Africa is black and poor, with the worst affected being women in
the rural areas, the black rural population in general and the disabled.
This nation lives under conditions of a grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational,
communication and other infrastructure.
It has virtually no possibility to exercise what in reality amounts to a theoretical right to equal opportunity,
with that right being equal within this black nation only to the extent that it is equally incapable of
realisation.
This reality of two nations, underwritten by the perpetuation of the racial, gender and spatial disparities
born of a very long period of colonial and apartheid white minority domination, constitutes the material
base which reinforces the notion that, indeed, we are not one nation, but two nations.
And neither are we becoming one nation. Consequently, also, the objective of national reconciliation is
not being realised.
Today in 2026,
South Africa is still a country of two nations
@molemob retweeted
According to former Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke and prominent legal scholar Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, the Constitution of South Africa and its existing legal frameworks have never been the barrier to land reform; instead, the failure lies entirely with the government's lack of political will, corruption, and administrative incompetence.
Both legal minds have argued extensively that Section 25 of the Constitution (the property clause) provides all the necessary power to achieve radical land redistribution, but those powers were simply never utilized effectively by the state.
Key Arguments by Dikgang Moseneke and Tembeka Ngcukaitobi
1. The Constitution is an Enabler, Not a Barrier
Expropriation without compensation was always possible: Both scholars have pointed out that Section 25 never strictly demanded "market-value" compensation.
The Constitution requires compensation to be "just and equitable," which allows for zero compensation in specific, justifiable circumstances.
The legal tools existed: The state always had the constitutional mandate to expropriate land for public interest and land reform, but it chose a slow, market-dependent "willing buyer, willing seller" policy instead.
2. Government Dereliction of Duty
Failure to pass enabling legislation: For over two decades, the ANC-led government failed to pass a clear Expropriation Act that defined exactly how and when land could be taken for redistribution.
Budgetary starvation: Land reform was never given top financial priority. The budget allocated to land reform and restitution has historically been less than 1% of the national budget.
3. Corruption and Elite Capture
Farms given to the politically connected: Instead of redistributing land to the poor, farm workers, or labor tenants, many state-acquired farms were allocated to wealthy politicians, state officials, and politically connected elites.
The "bureaucratic mess": The Department of Rural Development and Land Reform has been plagued by corruption, missing records, and syndicates that inflated land prices to enrich government officials and corrupt sellers.
4. The Failure of Land Restitution
Unresolved claims: Decades after the 1998 deadline for lodging land claims, hundreds of thousands of claims remain unresolved due to state inefficiency.
Collapsing projects: In cases where land was restored to communities, the state failed to provide post-settlement agricultural support, capital, or training, causing many commercial farms to collapse financially.
Summary of the Debate
When the government initiated debates to amend the Constitution to allow for "expropriation without compensation," Moseneke, Ngcukaitobi, and other legal analysts argued that amending the text was a political scapegoat.
They maintained that changing the wording of the Constitution would not magically fix a broken, corrupt, and incompetent state bureaucracy.
youtu.be/C_bYmbQazuo?si=XNBC…
@molemob retweeted
🚨Kylian Mbappé on Harry Kane winning the Ballon d’Or ahead of him and Lamine Yamal:
🗣️ Kylian Mbappé: “To be honest, I sat there throughout the ceremony and listened to everything. I barely moved from my seat because, at some point, I genuinely wanted to see whether they were going to invite us onto the stage or simply hand every award to the Spanish players!
“Every time they announced a winner, it felt like another Spanish player was going to collect a trophy. And I’m sitting there thinking, ‘Okay, let’s see how this ends.’
“At one point, Michael Olise turned to me and said, ‘Kylian, when did the Ballon d’Or become a country achievement?’
“I laughed and told him, ‘Just sit down and watch. We haven’t seen the final award yet.’
“Then Lamine won the Young Player of the Year award. Congratulations to him, because he is an incredible talent. But we were still waiting for the biggest prize of the night.
“Finally, they announced the men’s Ballon d’Or winner, and it was Harry Kane.
“Honestly, if I had to choose between Harry Kane and Lamine Yamal winning it ahead of me, I would rather see Harry win it.
“Not because I have anything against Lamine. He is a fantastic player, and I respect what he has achieved. But Harry represents something I deeply respect about football. He has worked for years, carried enormous expectations and continued to deliver at the highest level.
“Seeing him lift that trophy made me happy. I was proud of him, genuinely. But let me be clear: I didn’t travel to that ceremony to support Harry Kane. I went there because I wanted to win the Ballon d’Or myself.
“And I think people sometimes forget that. You can respect another player, congratulate him and appreciate his achievement while still being disappointed that you didn’t win.
“I sat there watching him celebrate, and part of me was happy for him. Another part of me was asking what I needed to do differently to make sure I would be the one standing on that stage next time.
“People might look at my reaction and say, ‘Mbappé should be grateful to be nominated.’ Of course I’m grateful. But I didn’t reach this level by being satisfied with nominations.
“I want to win. I want to be the best. And when I lose, I don’t suddenly pretend that winning was never important to me.
“I would rather lose the Ballon d’Or to a player I respect than win the sympathy of people who tell me I deserved it after the ceremony.”
“Harry had his night, and I respect that. But my story isn’t finished. If working harder, scoring more goals, improving my game and taking greater responsibility are what it takes, then that is exactly what I will do.
“I won’t ask anyone to feel sorry for me. I won’t complain about the result. I will go back to work.
“Because the next time I walk into that ceremony, I don’t want to sit there wondering whose name they are going to announce.
“I want to hear my own name and I want nobody to have an argument about whether I deserve it.”
Readers added context they thought people might want to know
The detailed quote attributed to Kylian Mbappé here is fabricated; he made no such statements. Harry Kane won the 2026 Ballon d'Or ahead of Mbappé (2nd) and Lamine Yamal (3rd), with reports noting only Mbappé's visible disappointment at the event.
bbc.com/sport/football…
infobae.com/deportes/2026/…
uefa.com/uefachampionsl…
@molemob retweeted
Dear South Africa 🇿🇦
I have been given a slot to participate in another world record high altitude marathon in 2027.
This could see me collect my 2nd World Record again after this year's Guinness World Record. I need Sponsorship partner. Cost is R200 000-00
Ngicela Mzansi 🙏🙏 – at Nelspruit, South Africa
@molemob retweeted
I listened this morning to Eugene de Kock’s evidence before the Khampepe Commission and I am sick to the pit of my stomach. He is Prime Evil — a mass murderer who earned that name at Vlakplaas. I hold no brief for him. But what he described is a deliberate, systemic protection of the true decision-makers: the senior politicians and the generals of the SAPS and the old SADF, covering the entire State Security Council.
P.W. Botha personally ordered the bombings of Khotso House and COSATU House. Adriaan Vlok honoured those who carried them out. Louis le Grange ordered the bombing of the ANC offices in London and honoured the perpetrators. F.W. de Klerk, longstanding member and former chair of the State Security Council, gave orders for people to be killed. He does not deserve the Nobel Peace Prize; it must be withdrawn posthumously. Roelf Meyer sat on that same Council and served as Minister of Defence. He must be recalled immediately as South Africa’s ambassador to the United States. It is unconscionable that he continues to represent this Republic.
This protection continued under every ANC presidency. Specifically, under former President Jacob Zuma, de Kock was granted parole and a state pension. The facts speak for themselves. Successive ANC administrations chose silence and cover over accountability.
All indemnities and amnesties granted to those responsible must be recalled and rescinded. Those who are dead must be charged posthumously. Those still alive must be charged, face the consequences, and go to prison. There is no other way. Their estates must be sequestrated and the proceeds used for restitution to the victims and their families.
The dead elephant remains in the room: who inside the ANC, including senior leaders, served the apartheid apparatus. These questions can no longer be avoided. The families of the victims have waited long enough. Prestige, amnesty and wealth cannot continue to shield the men who ordered the killings. The evidence demands action. It must be taken.
youtube.com/live/spuD-R7hQN8…
@molemob retweeted
Eugene De Kok appearing before the TRC Inquiry he says he was made a scapegoat. He says “FW De Klerk’s Nobel peace prize must be revoked because he is a killer who was never convicted.” @MakiLeshoro
@molemob retweeted
I read these pages with a tightness in my chest that I know well.
The boy behind the counter in Mthatha, the only black engineer told “don’t mess up,” the son who watched his parents stretch every rand and still insist that education was the one thing no one could take away - that boy recognises the ache in this story. The long nights of not belonging. The quiet, unfinished grief of parents gone too soon. The weight of scarcity and silence that follows you into rooms you were never meant to enter. The loneliness of standing in places that feel borrowed, while the life you left behind still calls your name.
It is a sad book. It does not pretend otherwise. It sits with the cost of leaving home, the cost of starting over, and the cost of carrying both the old world and the new one at the same time.
But it is also a book about the stubborn decision to keep walking. About gathering what little you have, loading the children into a car, and driving toward a life that has not yet been proven possible. About entering rooms that were never designed for you and choosing - again and again - to stay, to learn, to build anyway. About discovering that belonging is not a gift handed over at the door. It is something you recognise in yourself after years of being told, in a thousand small ways, that you do not fit.
I have always believed that if you want to take the system down, you must first provide a better alternative. At heart I am an engineer. I want people to fix things, not to raise false hopes. This memoir does not offer easy comfort. It offers something harder and more useful: the proof that a person can carry sorrow and still choose to construct a future. That the right path, whatever “right” may mean to you, is often only a step away - even when the heart is still heavy.
To those born into difficult circumstances, dealt a bad hand, or treated as outsiders: in the end, what makes you are your choices. This book is one of those choices, made with courage and without self-pity.
I am grateful I was asked to read it.
@molemob retweeted
Some dreams take longer to realise. Some come at a greater price. And some moments remind us why giving up was never an option.
I have known Thulasizwe Simelane for more than 20 years. First as colleagues at SAfm Current Affairs, and later as his editor at eNCA. Through all those years, one dream remained constant: he wanted to become an attorney.
It was a dream that came at a high price. Life threw storms his way, some harder than others, but Thulasizwe weathered them with the determination, resilience and grace of a true professional. He never lost sight of the destination.
And so, watching him arrive at his celebration, now an admitted attorney, was a moment of immense pride and joy.
I think I speak for many of our former colleagues when I say there is no one more deserving of this moment. We have watched your journey, witnessed your perseverance and celebrated your victories, both big and small.
Thulasizwe, we are incredibly proud of you. I cannot wait to watch you stand in court and argue for a fairer, more just world. And, God willing, if we live long enough, perhaps one day we will even read a judgment penned by you. Now, wouldn't that be something! @andiswamakanda thank you for a beautiful day
@molemob retweeted
This is the capture of politics. Business donates to political parties so they protect and advance their interests.
Also, look into Change Start Now; that party didn’t contest elections and the money donated to them was channeled to other parties. Same as We the People, follow the money and you will see real political capture.
IEC: Political Party Funding Declarations, 2021-2027 Q1 (Total≈R1.13b)
Donors - DA/ANC/IFP/ActionSA;
Fynbos Group (crypto)≈R223m
Oppenheimers (mines)≈R115m
Moshals (gambling)≈R96m
Slacks(Oppenheimers)≈R67m
MKP/ATM: Funded mostly by People
#GovZAUpdates #MadlangaCommission
@molemob retweeted
Thank you for this breakdown. I've been wishing for this kind of update because I haven't been following. I'm a bit confused though where you mention AKA's protector and Jim. Please elaborate?
Guys, AKA's case is ongoing. It continues today at 11:30. Let me break it down so you understand where it's are at now.
The prosecution team lead, Mr Gcaba, has spent quite a bit of time proving to the court that:
1. They have the right people.
2. It was premeditated murder, not a coincidence.
They did this by showing a spotter at the airport when AKA and his team arrived, to the car hire, on the tolls, and at the Garden Court Hotel in Umhlanga. A grey BMW kept following them.
Only when AKA got to the hotel was a VW Polo introduced into the picture, with the killers now taking over the tracing from the BMW guy.
The state is now at Wish restaurant. When Tibz was, without knowing AKA was in the same vicinity, and where the killers kept doing walkabouts trying to clear for the execution. More questions have been raised about AKA security guard so far, his protection of Jim remains questionable.
All that we saw in 2023, we are now being taken through just minutes before it happened. All I can say, the NPA has a clean case, clean-clean. The judge is female, she takes no nonsense and doesn't tolerate people wasting time and nonsensical objections.
@akaworldwide and Tibz will get justice, at this rate, sooner than that #SenzoMeyiwTrial #SouthAfricans
@molemob retweeted
Big Up Duma Boko - Botswana President!
MultiChoice Botswana CEO Stephanie Pillay’s work permit renewal has been declined by Botswana’s Ministry of Labour and Home Affairs.
The decision follows complaints received by the ministry over the past four years regarding the treatment of local (Batswana) employees. These include allegations of unfair dismissals, mistreatment, and cases in which local staff were reportedly replaced by foreign nationals—practices the ministry has described as unacceptable.
Duma is PUTTING HIS PEOPLE FIRST 🇧🇼
A re leboga Dr Modise🙏🏿🥰
A day of gratitude to @theNWU for conferring this prestigious honour to me here in Mahikeng. This is where it all began for me as a young man from Garankuwa. I’m grateful to my family and all the colleagues that contributed to my growth and development in my professional life. 🙏🏽
