Justin

Mark Mitchell’s attack on @dbongino is about much more then a post. It’s a part of his progression from defending Trump’s coalition to arguing that its principles have failed, its older supporters misunderstand their own interests, and a different leadership should inherit his movement. He built his credibility within this movement through Rasmussen Reports, where he served as head pollster and vice president of operations. His work circulated through the pro-Trump media world. In March 2023, Rasmussen conducted an Arizona survey with College Republicans United for Kari Lake. By November 2024, Mitchell was publicly celebrating his polling against competitors who had underestimated Trump. His position was that the polling establishment had misrepresented the strength of Trump’s coalition. (thehonestpoll.com, rasmussenreports.com, pjmedia.com) On July 16, 2025, Bannon described Mitchell as almost a co-host and praised his ability to explain what MAGA was thinking and where it was headed. That same day, Mitchell described the destruction of Iran’s nuclear program as extremely popular and warned that the Epstein controversy threatened to derail Trump’s agenda anyway. At that stage, his argument was that the administration needed to correct a political problem to preserve its momentum. (fight.fudgie.org) His June 26, 2025 appearance with Dinesh D’Souza described the strikes as displaying “all of the hallmarks of Trump,” including his intuitive leadership decisions and firm public statements. He distinguished the opinions dominating social media from those of mainstream Republicans and reported majority support for the operation. Trump’s historical record on this topic is super clear like the 1987 discussion of retaliation against Iranian oil installations, the 2016 opposition to the nuclear agreement, first-term sanctions and military strikes, the Soleimani operation, and his October 2024 endorsement of Israel hitting Iranian nuclear facilities. All the sudden on November 13, appearing with Bannon, he said, “People under 50 do not really care about conservatism,” and argued that inherited values had failed Americans. On Ask Dr. Drew he described Israel as the “leading edge” of an emerging generational break and predicted that NATO would face similar challenges. In a separate November 6 post, he accused people he called “Ziocons” of intentionally amplifying Nick Fuentes. That statement targeted Fuentes’s critics as participants in the amplification. Strange. On December 8, back on WarRoom, Mitchell described disaffected younger supporters as looking for their Franco, explaining that one correspondent had expected Trump to fill that role. Bannon explicitly connected the discussion to Jack Posobiec’s Unhumans. In 2026, he appeared on Marty Bent’s TFTC, where he discussed a younger coalition organized around national populism, criticized conventional conservative appeals, and described Trump’s political influence as approaching exhaustion. On August 12, he appeared with Keaton Weiss and Russell Dobular on Due Dissidence, in an interview about Trump’s political deterioration, the Iran war, and economic populism versus democratic socialism. On August 1, Greene announced a movement alongside Tucker Carlson, Joe Kent, and Thomas Massie, accusing Trump of betrayal. On August 5, Kent explained that they had discussed building a coalition, potentially creating a third party, and encouraging Carlson to seek the presidency. Mitchell then framed capitalism, democracy, and conservatism as older generations’ principles that would give way to new values, declaring: “Tucker fired the first shot of the 4th turning because he understands this.” Mitchell’s “Fourth Turning” refers directly to Strauss and Howe’s generational theory—the framework Bannon advocated in his 2014 Vatican speech. His twist on it is Eurasianism + economic populism with capital T traditionalism.