Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia) profile picture

Assistant Professor at Myongji University. I study Comparative authoritarian politics.

Cheonan
Joined August 2013
Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)Photo by Sanghoon Park (@pherephobia)
1/8 New in Asian Survey, with Hyeonjun Kim, Se Hyeon Sim, and Young Hoon Song 📄 Seeing but Not Changing Reinforcement of Negative Attitudes toward Refugees in South Korea Why do negative views of refugees persist in South Korea when so few people ever meet one? 🧵
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7/8 Awareness campaigns alone are unlikely to reduce hostility when exclusionary frames dominate public discourse. Sustained engagement that challenges ethnic boundaries may work better, as may messages about civic values, shared institutions, and refugees' contributions.
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Sanghoon Park retweeted
The Journal of Political Science Education just retracted an article over references that could not be located and other citation errors. doi.org/10.1080/15512169.202…
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Sanghoon Park retweeted
@GerryMunck'srecent tweet proposes that my new book, Qualitative Causal Inference and Explanation, makes an important contribution. This brief thread introduces the argument and its potential importance. 1/7
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8/ These patterns are not artifacts of economic or relational ties. Results hold with alternative economic measures, and sensitive+specific recommendations remain less likely to be accepted regardless of who sends them. Resistance is rooted in regime security.
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9/ Takeaway: even least-likely cases respond to naming and shaming in systematic ways. But for pariah autocracies, the UPR is an arena for symbolic compliance rather than a path to reform.
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4/ We argue these regimes engage to manage stigma and manufacture an image of compliance while protecting the political structures that keep rulers in power. Participation is less about reform and more about securing minimal legitimacy and a facade of responsiveness.
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7/ Country trajectories differ. North Korea moved from rejecting 100% of recommendations in the 1st cycle to a near 50/50 split. Turkmenistan flipped to ~90% acceptance from the 2nd cycle. Eritrea stayed balanced throughout. Distinct strategies, same underlying logic.
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6/ Acceptance is highest when recommendations are neither sensitive nor specific, lower when they are either, and lowest when they are both. Pariah autocracies do not resist uniformly. They calibrate.
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5/ We analyze 1,788 UPR recommendations (2008-2019) along two dimensions. Sensitivity: does it touch regime survival (physical integrity, civil liberties, external monitors)? Specificity: does it demand concrete, verifiable action that exposes deficiencies?
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3/ In Nov 2024, over 90 states scrutinized North Korea's record in its 4th UPR. Rather than rejecting engagement, Pyongyang sent a delegation to defend its record. Eritrea showed the same pattern, accepting some recommendations while dismissing others as politicized.
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2/ Why do pariah autocracies like North Korea, Eritrea, and Turkmenistan bother with the UN Universal Periodic Review? They face entrenched sanctions, no path to normalization, and compliance offers no credible payoff. Yet they keep showing up in Geneva.
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Sanghoon Park retweeted
Brief pause from Messi's magic to share my new piece in the Annual Review of Political Science: "Education as a Political Institution" which explains why we should stop treating education as just another public service Open access here: tinyurl.com/yezzkam5
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